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8 Maart 1941

8 Maart 1941



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8 Maart 1941

Maart 1941

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Verenigde State

Lend-Lease-wetsontwerp neem die senaat met 60 stemme teen 31.



Die negerstryd

Van Die Militant, Vol. V. No. 10, 8 Maart 1941, p. م.
Getranskribeer en amp gemerk deur Einde O ’ Callaghan vir die Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism Online (ETOL).

Jim Crow beteken die dood

Verlede herfs het Roosevelt die wet bepaal dat negersoldate in sy verklaring in aparte regimente geskei moet word:

Die beleid van die oorlogsdepartement is nie om gekleurde en blanke personeellede in dieselfde regimentele organisasies te vermeng nie. Hierdie beleid het oor 'n lang tydperk bevredigend geblyk, en om veranderinge aan te bring, sal situasies wat morele afbrekend is, nadelig wees vir die voorbereiding op nasionale verdediging. ”

In 'n poging om die landwye protes wat hieroor ontstaan ​​het, te stuit, het Edgar G. Brown, 'n oom Tom “-leier, hierdie beleid onderskryf en gevra dat dit verleng word.

In ons kritiek op Brown, wat in November verlede jaar gedruk is, het ons daarop gewys dat hierdie beleid in die weermag nie net 'n stempel van goedkeuring op Jim Crowism en segregasie in die burgerlike lewe plaas nie, maar ook dat dit die vraag of die lewe en veiligheid van die negersoldaat in die gesegregeerde regimente. Ons sê toe:

Solank die negers van die blanke soldate geskei is, is dit baie maklik vir die arbeidshaatoffisier wat in beheer van die weermag is om hulle uit te soek vir spesiale opdragte en werk: as arbeidsbataljons, grawe loopgrawe en latrines, en as selfmoord groepe, vir die gevaarlikste werk, waar mans se lewens goedkoop weggegooi word. ”

Ons beskuldiging dat gesegregeerde regimente beteken dat meer sterftes in die Europese gevegte van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog tot niet was, is bewys.

In die Slag om Frankryk is die negersoldate in die Senegalese en ander Afrikaanse regimente suiwer en bloot as 'n liggaam- en vleesversperring gebruik teen die vordering van die Nazi -oorlogsmasjien. Honderdduisende van hul lewens is deur die Frans-Britse weermagopdragte weggegooi in 'n poging om te red wat van hul wit regimente oorgebly het.

Dit alles word aangetoon in die verslae van R. Walter Merguson in sy huidige reeks in die Pittsburgh Courier, en in die eerste artikel van 'n reeks deur William Veasey in die New Jersey Herald Notes. Albei is pas terug, uit Europa, waar hulle baie van die gebeure waaroor hulle skryf, kon aanskou en met die negersoldate kon gesels wat daarin kon slaag.

Veasey toon aan hoe die terugtog uit Dunquerque slegs moontlik gemaak is deur die opoffering van duisende negers wat opgejaag en in die bres gegooi is om die Nazi's lank genoeg te hou sodat die Britse soldate kon wegkom. As daar negers in die Verenigde State was wat nie begryp het wat Roosevelt se Jim Crow -uitspraak voorheen beteken het nie, moes hulle dit beslis nou verstaan.

Britse “Demokrasie ” by die werk

'N Amerikaanse negerpers van Johannesburg, Suid -Afrika, onthul dat nie net die negersoldate wat in Afrika diens doen nie, slegter behandel en vir meer ernstige take as die blanke soldate gebruik word, maar dat hulle ook minder betaal word.

Onlangs in die Suid -Rhodesiese parlement het 'n blanke majoor wat 'n aantal negers aangespoor het om die Ryk in Oos -Afrika te dien, gesê dat hy sedertdien ongemaklik gevoel het in die lig van die slegte toestande en die lae salarisse wat ek hulle laat aanvaar het, ook die onvoldoende voorsiening vir hul afhanklikes en die algemeen onbevredigende manier waarop hulle behandel is.

Die salaris van hierdie mans is slegs drie sjielings, ses pennies per dag (ongeveer 43 sent). Wit soldate kry meer as twee keer soveel. ”

Hulle moet teen halfprys veg vir demokrasie.
 

Lawson verdedig Judas bokke

Edward Lawson, ywerige ondersteuner van die oorlog en besturende redakteur van Geleentheid, tydskrif van die Urban League, waarvan die verkoop ironies genoeg genoeg is! – is pas verbied in staatsbeheerde poswisselings by weermagstasies, het weer in druk verskyn. Onlangs het hy as assistente van Hitler gemerk diegene wat die oprigting van 'n werklike demokrasie vir negers in hierdie land vra voordat hulle elders daarvoor gaan veg.

Hierdie keer is hy besig met die verdediging van die Negro “ assistants ” teenoor verskillende departemente in Washington, wat aangeval is omdat hulle slegs dien om te voorkom dat negers gelyke regte in die gewapende magte en die industrie eis.

Die verdediging van Lawson, nadat hy rondgeloop en gewys het hoe moeilik hierdie assistente is en nou hul werk vernederend en vermoeiend is, kom hy tot die slotsom dat dit die massas van die negermense is wat verantwoordelik is vir die oënskynlike impotensie van baie van diegene wat ons in Washington verteenwoordig. ” Waarom? Omdat hulle nie daarop aangedring het om hierdie assistente meer belangrike posisies te gee nie, en omdat hulle hulle nie die volle steun van ons erkende politieke krag gee nie. ”

Hierdie spookalibi sal slegs suksesvol wees met die mense wat Lawson aanvaar dat die mense in Washington die negermense verteenwoordig.

Dit is juis dit wat ons uitdaag. Ons ontken dat hulle die negermense verteenwoordig. Ons hou vol dat hulle Roosevelt en die regerings- en militêre burokrasieë verteenwoordig wat die oorlog aan die negers probeer verkoop. Dit is waarvoor hulle ingesit is, en dit, in die algemeen, in die mate wat hulle kan, is wat hulle doen.

Solank die negers van iemand in die Jim Crow -regering afhanklik is om hul probleme vir hulle op te los, hetsy sy wit administrateurs of bruin administratiewe assistente, sal hulle probleme nie. opgelos word.

Dit is slegs deur hul eie krag, onafhanklik en saam met die vakbondbeweging, dat die negermense Jim Crowism in die weermag en industrie kan uitwis. En dan sal stooges in Washington en mans soos Lawson hulle nie kan keer nie.


Waarom Roosevelt en Churchill nie oorlogsdoeleindes kan stel nie

Van Die Militant, Vol. V nr. 10, 8 Maart 1941, p. ن.
Getranskribeer en amp gemerk deur Einde O ’Callaghan vir die Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism Online (ETOL).

Dit is glad nie verbasend dat Roosevelt, toe hy gevra is of sy nuut aangestelde ambassadeur in Groot-Brittanje, John G. Winant, voorstelle oor blywende vrede na die oorlog sou oorneem, geantwoord het dat die eerste ding was om die oorlog te wen. Vredesvoorstelle en 'n uiteensetting van die grondslag van vrede moet na die oorwinning kom, en#8221 is wat die New York Times verslae as die gevoelens van Roosevelt.

Hoe kan die groot kapitalistiese politici hul oorlogdoelwitte duidelik en sonder glinsterende algemeenhede openbaar? Het die Britse imperialisme hom nie deur geheime verdrae verbind tot voordeel van die nasies wat haar help ten koste van die nasies wat gewillig oorgegee het aan die asmagte nie? Is daar iemand wat dwaas genoeg is om hom te verbeel dat die Poolse heersende klas nie geëis het dat Groot -Brittanje elke stuk grondgebied wat dit uit hoofde van die Versailles -verdrag gehad het, en nog meer, miskien aan hom oorgedra het nie? En het die verteenwoordigers van die Britse imperialisme nie die Tsjeggies dieselfde beloof nie?

En hoe sal hierdie beloftes nagekom word sonder om dieselfde probleme te veroorsaak as die Versailles -verdrag?

Dit moet as vanselfsprekend aanvaar word dat Roosevelt alles weet van hierdie geheime reëlings en dat hy nie die boot van Churchill of sy eie sal skommel deur 'n paar voorstelle te maak wat direk in stryd is met die geheime verdrae.
 

Hulle planne vir Duitsland

Wat stel Churchill en Roosevelt voor om met Duitsland te doen as en wanneer Hitler verslaan word? Die vlugtelinge van Hitler se terreur pleit vir 'n verklaring van oorlogsdoeleindes wat die Duitse volk sal wys dat die Britse imperialiste slegs daarin belangstel om die Duitsers van Hitler en sy skare te bevry en dat Duitsland as 'n onafhanklike nasie sal mag bestaan. Maar helaas vir die liberale en vlugtelinge, wil die Britse imperialiste duidelik verstaan ​​dat die Duitse volk die skuld het dat Hitler die mag oorgeneem het en dat die Duitse volk min of meer van Hitler se patroon is en dat hulle daarom om die gevolge van nederlaag te ly.

Die verbintenisse in geheime verdrae is egter nie die belangrikste faktor om te keer dat Churchill en Roosevelt aandui wat hul oorlogsdoelwitte werklik is nie. Die waarheid is dat hulle meer as bly sou wees om 'n plan voor te lê wat twee dinge sou doen: een, om hul oppergesag te verseker en twee om permanente vrede te verkry. Maar niemand het en niemand kan so 'n plan voorstel nie. Die liberale en die vlugtelinge het niks anders gedoen as om te kla dat Churchill hulle nie in sy vertroue geneem het nie, maar buite die plan “Union Now ”, wat niks anders as 'n plan is vir die Amerikaanse en Britse imperialisme om kragte saam te snoer en te beheer nie in die wêreld, het niemand iets aangebied wat selfs bespreek kan word nie.

Die waarheid is dat kapitalistiese staatsmanne hulself totaal hulpeloos bevind. Op grond van die kapitalistiese stelsel kan hulle geen plan vind wat vrede sal waarborg nie. In hierdie opsig is Hitler in 'n baie beter posisie as die verteenwoordigers van die demokratiese kapitalistiese lande. Want hy is nie verplig om sy motiewe agter demokratiese kamoeflering te verberg nie. Sy “New Order ” is duidelik 'n plan waar die Duitse kapitalisme Europa en die wêreld tot sy eie voordeel organiseer.
 

Die “Demokrate ” Moet huigelaars wees

Nóg Groot -Brittanje nóg die Verenigde State kan openlik verklaar dat dit presies is wat hul kapitaliste sou wou doen. 'N Deel van Hitler se sterkte is te danke aan die feit dat die situasie hom toelaat om minder huigelagtig te wees as die verteenwoordigers van die demokratiese kapitalisme. Hoe maklik is dit om pret te maak met die kettings van die Britse demokrate wat weier om Indië vryheid te verleen! Hoe maklik is dit tog om daarop te wys dat sowel Brittanje as die Verenigde State hul ryk met geweld en geweld verkry het!

Saam met sy oorwinnings moet Hitler se huigelary toeneem. Hy sal dit al hoe moeiliker vind om met die demokratiese kapitaliste pret te maak in die lig van sy eie dade. Hy is ook nie in staat om te doen wat die demokratiese kapitaliste nie kan bereik nie, dit wil sê vrede in Europa en die wêreld bring deur al die nasies aan Duitse kapitalisme te onderwerp. Nóg Hitler deur die onafhanklike lewe van Europese nasies of Groot -Brittanje te vernietig deur sekere nasies toegewings toe te staan ​​en die een teen die ander te speel, kan vrede in Europa bring.

In die smeking van Churchill en Roosevelt om 'n duidelike verklaring van oorlogsdoelwitte weerspieël die liberale die ongemak van die massas wat slawe en sweet, veg en sterf. Waarvoor offer hulle? Om Hitler te verslaan? Goed, maar wat volg? Nog 'n Versailles, nog 'n impotente Volkebond, nog 'n onsekere tydperk van vrede, gevolg deur 'n nog afskuweliker oorlog?

En dit is presies op hierdie punt dat ons van die SWP op die toneel moet verskyn met ons verduidelikings en met ons plan. Ons het geen beswaar dat iemand van Churchill of Roosevelt 'n oorlogsverklaring eis nie. So 'n vraag plaas hulle ten minste ter plaatse. As hulle weier om 'n konkrete plan op te stel, kan ons die feit gebruik as bewys van hul skynheiligheid in hul bewerings om vir demokrasie te veg. As hulle onder druk gedwing word om 'n plan op te stel, kan die gebrek aan plan of die gebrek daaraan om dit te volg, 'n aanval word. Maar dit sou dwaas wees as elke intelligente werker tevrede sou wees met die eis dat Churchill en Roosevelt oorlogsdoelwitte sou formuleer. Vir ons is dit so duidelik soos daglig dat hul oorlogsdoeleindes niks anders is as om hul eie imperialistiese belange te verdedig en te versterk nie. Ons moet die werkers opvoed om nie die minste geloof te gee aan enige plan wat deur die imperialiste vir permanente vrede geformuleer is nie.

Ons weet en ons sal aanhou herhaal dat onder kapitalisme geen permanente vrede moontlik is nie. Geen planne vir so 'n vrede kan effektief wees nie.

Ons fundamentele taak bly om die werkers wat bang is vir fascisme te oortuig dat hulle die fascisme moet vernietig om die fascisme te vernietig en die kapitalistiese stelsel, fokker van fascisme en oorloë, te vernietig.


Eagle Archives, 8 Maart 1941: Berkshire -gevoel het 165 jaar gelede ook hoog geword, ook bladsye in die geskiedenis

Net 165 jaar gelede, aan die vooraand van die rewolusie, het die gevoel in hierdie land, voor en teen, selfs hoër gestyg as vandag. Die geskiedenis van Berkshire onthul dat ten minste een van die bekendste burgers van die graafskap hierheen gekom het as 'n 'versoening' in ballingskap uit New York in 1775. Hy was Henry Van Schaak, inwoner van Kinderhook en vurige lojalis.

Hy het in sy jeug na Albany gemigreer en teen 1757 'n welgestelde handelaar geword. Hy is as posmeester aangestel. Toe die seëlwet goedgekeur word, is 'n gerug versprei dat hy van plan was om aansoek te doen om posseëls sowel as posmeester. As gevolg hiervan het 'n skare Albanees sy huis binnegestorm en 'die balkon, vensters en meubels vernietig'. Kort daarna keer hy terug na Kinderhook.

Voor sy ballingskap na die Berkshires het mnr. Van Schaak sy kandidatuur vir die kontinentale kongres aangekondig. Hy het as 'n lojalis van Kinderhook gehardloop en die platform ondersteun:

'Die geskil met die moederland is met te veel geweld gevoer - daar is geen agterdeur vir versoening nie - en daar is te veel rede om te dink dat baie mense hul afhanklikheid van Groot -Brittanje wil afskaf. Die mense het tot die pas gekom dat hulle nie die kwalifikasies van 'n koning in ag neem nie, want hulle sal geen koning hê nie. Groot -Brittanje sal ons verlaag, ondanks alles wat ons kan doen. ”

Soos nie-intervensioniste van vandag, blyk dit dat die patriotisme van Van Schaak nie bevraagteken word nie. Alhoewel die kommissaris van die sameswering hom as 'n landliewende burger beskou het wat gevrees het dat slegs die kolonies verneder sou word voor Engeland se mag, het hy gedwing om na Massachusetts terug te trek terwyl die kongreswedstryd duur. Hy woon 'n paar maande in Richmond en Stockbridge voordat hy hom in Pittsfield vestig. Toe sy verbanning herroep is, skryf hy genl Sherman:

'Ek is so volkome tevrede met die maniere, gebruike en wette van hierdie gemenebestuur dat ek dit nie sou verruil vir ander mense waarvan ek weet in die wêreld nie.' So tevrede was hy in die ballingskap wat hom na die Berkshires gebring het, dat Van Schaak na die oorlog 'n staatsburger geword het. In 1781 bou hy hier sy permanente tuiste. Die mure was ongetwyfeld stewig omhul met baksteen. Dit was jare lank bekend as die beste gebou in die stad. Deur die bouer is Broadhall gedoop vanweë die sentrale gang van 21 voet breed, huisves die struktuur nou die Country Club van Pittsfield.

Hierdie verhaal in die geskiedenis is gekies uit die argiewe deur Jeannie Maschino, The Berkshire Eagle.


Waarom het Amerika by die Tweede Wêreldoorlog aangesluit?

Die Verenigde State het by die Tweede Wêreldoorlog aangesluit as 'n reaksie op die bombardement op Pearl Harbor in Hawaii deur die Japannese op 7 Desember 1941. Die land het hom egter geïsoleerd van die wêreldoorlog gehou, maar ná die aanval verklaar die land oorlog teen Japan op 8 Desember 1941.

Duitsland en Italië, wat 'n ooreenkoms met Japan aangegaan het, het op 11 Desember drie dae later oorlog teen die Verenigde State verklaar. Dit het beteken dat die Amerikaanse magte op twee fronte moes veg: een in die Stille Oseaan en een in Europa.

Na die aanvalle moes die Amerikaanse weermag vinnig mobiliseer. Hoewel president Franklin D. Roosevelt en die kongres in 1940 'n konsep geïmplementeer het, is die konsep teen 1942 uitgebrei na alle mans tussen 18 en 64 jaar. werk.

Bedrywe in die land het begin voorberei op oorlog deur produksie vir militêre behoeftes te verhoog en produksie vir nie-militêre behoeftes te verminder. Vroue en minderhede moes die verlies in die arbeidsmag van jong blanke mans wat oorlog toe gegaan het, vergoed. Dit het daartoe gelei dat werkloosheid feitlik verdwyn het. Boonop het die regering suiker, vleis en koffie aan die tuisfront gerantsoeneer om te verseker dat daar genoeg kos is om die troepe te voed.


The Onward March of Freedom: Die Koue Oorlog

Die presidentsverkiesingsiklus van 1960 het uiteindelik aangebreek, en die twee grootste partye, die Demokratiese en Nacionalista -partye, was gereed vir oorwinning in November daardie jaar.

In die demokratiese kant het president José Avelino baie verras deur te verklaar dat hy nie 'n derde termyn sou soek nie. Daarom het die Demokratiese staf outomaties oorgedra na vise -president Ramon Magsaysay. Magsaysay is beproef, getoets deur sy party en het uitstaande beleidsreëls omdat hy deur Avelino vir die presidensie versorg is, en het die konvensie op 11-15 Julie maklik bereik. Hy het toe die minister van buitelandse sake, Emmanuel Pelaez, as sy vise -president gekies.

1960 was opvallend vir die verskuiwing van die Demokrate in die manier waarop hulle hul presidentskandidate benoem. Tydens die byeenkoms het die afgevaardigdes skaars 1 023-1 011 gestem om alle afgevaardigdes per provinsie op 'n proporsionele basis te verdeel, gebaseer op primêre of 'staatstingsvergaderings' (later genoem 'kwotusse'). Dit is deur Magsaysay en Avelino bevoordeel, met die voormalige gesegde: "Ons kan nie die 'Demokratiese' Party genoem word as ons nie demokrasie in ons koukus bevorder nie." Die reël is verder verstewig met die klousule, en daar sal geen veranderinge in die verdeling van afgevaardigdes aangebring word nie, tensy ooreengekom is deur agt tiendes van die hele afgevaardigdes in die party. Dit het verseker dat byeenkomste in die meeste gevalle net partytjie-verenigende gebeurtenisse sou wees eerder as lang uitgerekte gevegte om die benoeming in 'n stampvol veld.

Intussen het die Nacionalista -party, wat sedert 1958 in getalle begin toeneem het, Jose Yulo, 'n gematigde konserwatief, en Ramon Mitra, Jr., 'n sentrum, onderskeidelik benoem as hul president- en vise -presidentskandidaat. Die konvensie het die leiding van die Demokrate gevolg deur volkome voorverkiesings of koukusse te gebruik om hul presidentskandidaat te besluit, en het hulle meer markgerigte programme vir die land bevorder.

KONTINUITEIT: DIE 1960 -PRESIDENSIËLE RAS

Die presidensiële wedloop van 1960 was die stryd tussen die voortsetting van die Avelino -jare onder Ramon Magsaysay in die demokratiese kant, en 'n nuwe gesig met nuwe landoplossings vir Jose Yulo in die Nacionalista -kant. Die verkiesing van 1960 word gekenmerk deur die oop en gentlemanly -gevegte tussen Magsaysay en Yulo, veral omdat beide persoonlike vriende was. Baie noem die verkiesing die "mees ridderlike van alle tye" en die "saggeaardste sedert die soewereiniteit van die land".

Maar sedert die ekonomie weer lewendig begin word het ('n groeikoers van 11% in 1960), was die wedloop onvermydelik in die guns van Magsaysay, wat verkies is tot die 6de president van die Republiek van die Filippyne.

Historici meen nietemin dat ongeag wie die jaar gewen het, die Filippyne steeds ryker sou word gedurende die 1960's, aangesien een feit seker was: vordering was reeds ingebed in die Filippynse gees, en hierdie gees sal altyd aan almal oorgedra word Filippyne.

Daarmee eindig hoofstuk een van & quotThe Onward March of Freedom & quot. Hoop jy het dit geniet! Hoofstuk II word moontlik vroeër geplaas as wat u dink!

Die 48ste Ronin

Nagtegaal

Nagtegaal

BrentiusAtticus

Nagtegaal

Nagtegaal

Nagtegaal

Binnekort, op die aanstaande mars van vryheid:

Onbekend

Nagtegaal

Onbekend

Nagtegaal

Maar toe kom die Groot Depressie. Aandelemarkte het op 29 Oktober 1929 neergestort, en die gevolglike chaos het meer as 30 miljard dollar uit die Amerikaanse ekonomie uitgewis. Banke het in duie gestort, beleggersvertroue het in duie gestort, geldsirkulasie het baie beperk geraak en vryhandel het agteruitgegaan. Dit alles het die ergste ekonomiese ramp in die geskiedenis tot gevolg gehad. President Herbert Hoover het probeer om die depressie te versag deur te belê in meer openbare werke soos die Hooverdam, maar sonder sukses, teen 1933, het werkloosheid 25%bereik, armoede het die hoogte ingeskiet en die bruto nasionale produk van die Verenigde State (BBP) is verminder In die helfte.

Dit het 'n groot ineenstorting veroorsaak in die land se steun aan die Republikeine. Daarom het Amerikaners daardie jaar Franklin Delano Roosevelt, sy eerste demokraat sedert 1920, in 'n grondverskuiwing as die 32ste president van die Verenigde State verkies.

Om sy voornemens te kommunikeer en sy politieke agenda te bevorder, het president Roosevelt gereeld 'Fireside Chats' gehou om met die Amerikaanse volk te praat en hulle aan te moedig om sy programme te ondersteun. . Roosevelt het met bekendheid aan miljoene Amerikaners gepraat oor die New Deal -inisiatiewe. Op die radio kon hy gerugte onderdruk en sy beleid verduidelik. Sy toon en houding kommunikeer selfversekerdheid in tye van wanhoop en onsekerheid. Roosevelt was 'n uitstekende kommunikeerder op radio, en die geselsies op die vuur het hom gedurende sy presidentskap in die openbaar gehou.

DIE EERSTE NUWE HANDEL

In die loop van die volgende vier jaar het Roosevelt die mees ingrypende ekonomiese hervormings in die geskiedenis uitgevoer, genaamd die 'New Deal' -programme, om Amerika uit die Groot Depressie te haal. Sy eerste 100 dae was die mees produktiewe in terme van wetgewing. Die Federal Emergency Relief Administration bestee 500 miljoen dollar aan sopkombuise, komberse, werkskemas en kleuterskole om werk en hulp aan behoeftiges te verleen. Dit is vervang deur die Works Progress Administration en die steeds bestaande Social Security Administration. Die Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) is gestig om mans in die somer werk te gee aan omgewings- en rampbestrydingswerke. Die Landbou -aanpassingsadministrasie (AAA) is ingestel om boere uit nood te verhef. Die National Industry Recovery Act (NIRA) is ingestel om die Verenigde State te help om op te staan ​​uit die ernstige deflasie van die resessie, hoewel 'n groot deel van die wet in 1935 ongrondwetlik was en as 'n mislukking beskou word. Die Tennessee Valley Administration is gestig om damme te bou en hidro -elektrisiteit in die staat op te wek.

Daarna het Roosevelt die Wet op Ekonomie goedgekeur om die Amerikaanse regering se begroting te besnoei deur die regering se salarisse te verminder en veterane se voordele met 15 persent te verminder. Die Bonuswet het die ekonomie se verlaging van veterane se voordele omvergewerp.

Met die fokus op ander aangeleenthede, het die Glass-Steagall-wet gedurende sy tyd geslaag, beleggings- en handelsbanke verdeel en die Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation gestig, wat bankdeposito's tot 2,500 dollar verseker het. Die Wet op Noodbankdienste het banke toegelaat om onder toesig van die tesourie weer oop te maak om banklope te vermy. Roosevelt het die Gold Standard opgeskort en die Amerikaanse dollar vryelik laat dryf om die Unie in staat te stel om die nodige fondse te hê om programme uit te brei en die depressie te beëindig. Die Securities and Exchange Commission is gestig om die aandelemark te reguleer en te heers in korporatiewe misbruik. Landelike programme soos hervestigingsadministrasie (RA), die landelike elektrifiseringsadministrasie (REA) en ander het broodnodige hulp verleen aan baie Amerikaners, veral die plattelandse Suid-, Middeweste- en Mountain-Wes. Kosseëls verskyn die eerste keer tydens die ampstermyn van Roosevelt. Die National Recovery Administration het baie Amerikaners werk gegee, en hoewel dit deur die Hooggeregshof ongrondwetlik beslis is, het dit die standaard gestel vir toekomstige arbeidswette, soos die Wagner -wet en die Fair Labor Standards Act van 1938. Die National Labour Relations Act ( NLRA), ook bekend as die Wagner -wet, het aan alle ekonomiese sektore, insluitend die regering en die lugbedryf, groot arbeidsregte gegee. Dit het ook bepalings gegee vir die vestiging van medebepaling in Amerikaanse ondernemings [2]. Huiseienaars het verligting gekry by die Huiseienaars Lening Corporation (HOLC) en die Federal Housing Administration (FHA). HOLC het uniforme nasionale beoordelingsmetodes opgestel en die verbandproses vereenvoudig, en die Federal Housing Administration (FHA) het nasionale standaarde vir huisbou opgestel.

Puerto Rico het ook sy eie reeks hulpprogramme ontvang. Die Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration is gestig en het grondhervorming op die eiland geslaag.

Roosevelt het ook die buitelandse handel verslap, aangesien proteksionisme die depressie vererger het. Die wederkerige tariefwet was vandag die presedent vir liberale handelsreëls, tesame met die Filippyns-Amerikaanse handelsooreenkoms van 1946.

So eindig die Eerste New Deal. As gevolg van die programme wat deur die Roosevelt -administrasie uitgevaardig is, het die Demokrate daardie jaar verrassend setels gekry in die middeltermynverkiesings.

Die National Labour Relations Act van 1935, ook bekend as die Wagner Act, het werkers die reg op kollektiewe bedinging gewaarborg deur vakbonde van hul eie keuse. Die Wet het ook die National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) ingestel om loonooreenkomste te vergemaklik en herhaalde arbeidsversteurings te onderdruk. Die Wagner -wet het werkgewers nie gedwing om met hul werknemers ooreenkoms te bereik nie, maar dit het moontlikhede vir Amerikaanse arbeid oopgemaak. Die gevolg was massiewe groei in vakbond, en arbeid het dus 'n belangrike komponent van die New Deal politieke koalisie geword. Laastens het die belastinghervormingswet van 1935 'n koers van 7% tot 44% belasting bepaal, wat die mees progressiewe belastingkoers in die destydse Verenigde State tot stand gebring het [1].

Die Tweede New Deal eindig met die herverkiesing van Roosevelt in 1936 oor Alf Landon in die mees afwykende oorwinning van die gewilde stempersentasie in die geskiedenis. Dit het daartoe gelei dat Demokrate tot hul grootste mag in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis gestyg het.

Binnekort het Roosevelt en ander New Deal -demokrate gesê dat hulle dapperder op hul agenda sou wees, en niemand sal hulle keer om dit te doen nie.

[1]. Anders as IOTL se koers van 7% -27%. Demokrate het meer ITTL in die kongres gewen, so hy neem meer progressiewe hervormings deur, veral in belasting. Die Republikeinse Party sal egter nie uitsterf nie. Hulle sal weer aan bewind kom ITTL, selfs al wankel hulle in die kongres teen ATL 1936.

[2]. Met 'n groot meerderheid in die kongres, kan die New Deal-demokrate hierdie bepaling beywer, wat in die toekoms nie-antagonistiese verhoudings tussen werkers en werkgewers moontlik maak.

Die meeste hiervan is slegs 'n inleiding tot meer uitgebreide programme deur die Roosevelt -administrasie. Bly ingeskakel


8 Maart 1941 - Geskiedenis

3de afdeling foto's
WWI tot 1941


/> Klik op Omlyn Beelde vir groter aansig />
Stuur 'n e -pos aan u foto's (lêers) na [email protected]

Klik hier om na die webwerfwinkel of

www.3idstore.com

Laaste opdatering 15 Februarie 2019

Amptelike 3ID -medalje deur die Genootskap gegee

Ons het die oorspronklike lidmaatskapkaart van ons oupa uit 1919 gevind vir die 3de ID -genootskap en die hondetikette wat hy gedra het terwyl hy in Frankryk en Duitsland diens gedoen het. Soos u dalk onthou, was hy die president van die samelewing in 67-68. Sam Zerbe
Ek het gedink jy sal hulle graag wil sien. Ek het beide voor en agter geskandeer.
Dankie, Jeff Freeman

Bert E. Roberts
VIRGINIA, PVT SUP CO 38 INF 3 DIVISION, WW-I
Ek het begin werk aan ons stamboom. My oupa is oorlede voor ek gebore is. Ek het nie baie inligting nie. Ek het wel 'n prentjie en die inligting op sy klip by die begraafplaas in my tuisdorp (Mount Airy, NC).
Kan u my help of my in die rigting wys om meer inligting te bekom? (Stuur na [email protected])
Die uwe,
Pamela K. Roberts
Kleindogter van Bert E. Roberts

Sy tuisdorp was Rimer, PA (Armstrong County)
Bedien 10/2/1917-8/25/1919
Was by die 30ste Infanterie 3rd Division- Co. B
14/10/1917 Basiese opleiding was in Camp Lee VA, waarna ek na Charlotte, NC, gegaan het
4/11/1918 beland in Liverpool, Engeland

Ek het gedink dat u dalk sou belangstel in 'n paar foto's waarmee ek navorsing gedoen het oor my oupa, Charles Acford Holmes. Hy het in die golgota begin, maar is tot artillerie verander. Hy was van Maart 1918 tot Augustus 1918 by die 76ste FA in Frankryk en het in baie gevegte in die Marne -riviergebied gedien. Daarna is hy bevorder tot 2de Lt. by die Saumur Artillery School. As u meer inligting wil hê, verskaf ek dit graag. Bill Holmes [email protected]

Gedenkteken vir die 3de Infanteriedivisie, Marne -afdeling in die
sentrum van die stad Chateau Thierry.

Gilles Lagin, historikus. Het baie gedoen vir die 2de Marines wat die 3RD verlig het. Hy is een van twee amptelike ere -mariniers vir wie hy baie gidse en navorsing gedoen het.

Presiese slagveld waar Co A en Co B, 7de Regiment, 3de Inf. Div. geveg het. Vosgate en masjiengeweer -onderdrukkings bly.

Hier is 'n portret van my oupa, Dennis C. Pillsbury, terwyl hy as kaptein van die 38ste Infanterieregiment gedien het. Ek weet nie seker nie, maar ek dink hierdie foto is geneem terwyl die 38ste Infanterie by Ft. Douglas, Utah, iewers gedurende die 1920's. Vir 'n groot deel van die tyd was hy die regiment -adjudant. Hy tree aktief in as lid van die Oregon National Guard tydens die aksie langs die Mexikaanse grens in 1916 en verkry later 'n gewone leërkommissie, wat dien tot 1944, toe hy om mediese redes in die graad van kolonel afgetree het. Hy is in 1958 oorlede, 69 jaar oud. Voeg dit gerus by die webwerf van die 3de afdeling as u wil.
Beste wense,
Charles Pregaldin

Ek het u webwerf bekyk en ek het 'n foto van Tom Wright gesien wat 'n foto van sy vader uit Niedermendig, Duitsland, in 1919 ingesluit het. Ek het 'n foto van my groot oom van dieselfde plek met 'n ander verbodsboodskap. State word droog . Bo -op die voetstuk kan u die woorde 'Rock of the Marne' lees as u die foto opblaas.

My groot oom Elza Rhineberger (1893-1973) is op die foto aan die linkerkant en sy vriend Pearl Benson aan die regterkant. Beide Elza en Pearl het die weermag binnegegaan vanaf Chicago Junction, Huron County, Ohio en het saam met Co I, 38ste Infanterie, 3de Infanteriedivisie gedien. Na die oorlog is Elza na Camp Pike, Pulaski, Arkansas, gestuur totdat hy in 1920 ontslaan is en verhuis na Michigan waar hy tot sy dood boer.
Roy A Smith, majoor, USAR (afgetree)
Elk Grove, CA [email protected]

Geagte Heer,
Kommentaar: My oupa Samuel Zerbe het in die 76ste veldartillerie (Vlermuis A) 3de afdeling gedien en deur die oorlog gedien, en regdeur die naoorlogse besetting in Coblenz, Duitsland. Hy was president van Society of the 3rd Division 1967 in die herenigingsstad Tacoma Washington. Ek is op soek na inligting oor die 3de se na -wapenstilstand as 'n besettingsmag in Coblenz. Ek het baie min gevind en wil graag vir hom 'n meer volledige verslag van die tyd saamstel. Nadat die verbod op verbroedering opgehef is, ontmoet my oupa my ouma ('n Duitse onderdaan) tydens 'n plaaslike dans wat deur die Duitse Rooi Kruis gehou is. Hulle trou uiteindelik in 1920 en sy emigreer saam met my oupa in 1921 na die Verenigde State.

Ek is ook op soek na enige inligting oor die 1967 Genootskap -reünie, waar daar heelwat lede was vanaf die 76ste teenwoordigheid, aangesien ek hom as kind onthou het daaroor gepraat. Enige inligting wat u kan bied, sal baie waardeer word.
Die uwe,
Jeffrey Freeman [email protected]
Ek het verskeie foto's hierby aangeheg, en meer as jy belangstel. Ek het ook 'n harde boek van die diensrekord van die 3de afdelings van 1917 tot 1919, wat in Duitsland gedruk is en in 1922 aan alle veterane van die derde afdeling aangebied is.


Weet iemand wie hierdie WWI -soldaat is?

Hi! My oom, Walter Koppin was tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in die 3de Infanteriedivisie. He was in Company G, but I am not sure what regiment. I have some photos that I have attached and I am hopeful you might know the location and help me to determine which regiment he was in. He was in Europe Sep 1918 to Aug 1919. There is a local county "Honor Roll Book" that says he was in the "3rd Inf. 3rd Div" (se attached PDF file #14). However I can't find a 3rd Inf Regiment in the 3rd Division. so it must be a typo. maybe the 30th or 38th. Hopefuly the location can be determined from the photo. No names on the photos. I do have one of him and a number of others from the same location and would be happy to share them. Any ideas or help would be greatly appreciated.

Larry M. Hutchinson
5078 S. Ranger Trail
Gilbert, AZ 85298
480-664-9676

[email protected]

My Great Grand Father was James Clyde Huggins he was with Company K 38th Infantry 3rd Division 1918-1919 WWI. Here are 2 pics. I'm looking for more pics of him or his Company. Thanks in advance for any info or pics.

Orval Winfield Carter serial# 2,214,373 enlisted from Marshall Missouri on 09.21.1917. Organization served in, with dates assignments and transfers: CO K 356 INF 09.22.17 to 26 FEB 18 CH 4 INF to 01.14.18. Grades of Appt. PVT. Engagements: Wounds or other injuries received in action: Served overseas from 4.6.1918 to 10.14.1918 Honorably discharged In view of occupation he was, on date of discharge, departed Remarks: KILLED in action 10.14.1918 Father, John Carter, Marshal Mo. notified. Burial: Plot F Row 33 Grave 15 Meuse-Argonne American Cemetery Romange, France. Orval Winfield Carter died one month before the War to End all Wars was over. The Cemetery has his first name as Orval, I believe that was probably the way the French spelled it. I have attached the only photo we have of Orval. please feel free to post as you like.


A Brief History of Japanese American Relocation During World War II

exercising at Manzanar

On December 7, 1941, the United States entered World War II when Japan attacked the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor. At that time, nearly 113,000 people of Japanese ancestry, two-thirds of them American citizens, were living in California, Washington, and Oregon. On February 19, 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order No. 9066 empowering the U.S. Army to designate areas from which "any or all persons may be excluded." No person of Japanese ancestry living in the United States was ever convicted of any serious act of espionage or sabotage during the war. Yet these innocent people were removed from their homes and placed in relocation centers, many for the duration of the war. In contrast, between 1942 and 1944, 18 Caucasians were tried for spying for Japan at least ten were convicted in court.

To understand why the United States government decided to remove Japanese Americans from the West Coast in the largest single forced relocation in U.S. history, one must consider many factors. Prejudice, wartime hysteria, and politics all contributed to this decision.

West Coast Anti-Asian Prejudice

Anti-Asian prejudices, especially in California, began as anti-Chinese feelings. The cultural and economic forces that led to the anti-Japanese feelings are discussed in detail by Daniels, and summarized here. Chinese immigration to the U.S. began about the same time as the California gold rush of 1849. During the initial phases of the economic boom that accompanied the gold rush, Chinese labor was needed and welcomed. However, soon white workingmen began to consider the Chinese, who in 1870 comprised about 10 percent of California's population, as competitors. This economic competition increased after the completion of the trans-continental Union-Central Pacific Railroad in 1869, which had employed around 10,000 Chinese laborers. Chinese labor was cheap labor, and this economic grievance became an ideology of Asian inferiority similar to existing American racial prejudices. Discrimination became legislated at both the state and federal level, including a Chinese immigration exclusion bill passed in 1882 by the U.S. Congress.

The experiences of Chinese immigrants foreshadowed those of Japanese immigrants, who began arriving about the same time the Chinese exclusion bill was passed. Japanese immigrants were called Issei, from the combination of the Japanese words for "one" and "generation" their children, the American-born second generation, are Nisei, and the third generation are Sansei. Nisei and Sansei who were educated in Japan are called Kibei. The Issei mostly came from the Japanese countryside, and they generally arrived, either in Hawaii or the mainland West Coast, with very little money. Approximately half became farmers, while others went to the coastal urban centers and worked in small commercial establishments, usually for themselves or for other Issei.

Anti-Japanese movements began shortly after Japanese immigration began, arising from existing anti-Asian prejudices. However, the anti-Japanese movement became widespread around 1905, due both to increasing immigration and the Japanese victory over Russia, the first defeat of a western nation by an Asian nation in modern times. Both the Issei and Japan began to be perceived as threats. Discrimination included the formation of anti-Japanese organizations, such as the Asiatic Exclusion League, attempts at school segregation (which eventually affected Nisei under the doctrine of "separate but equal"), and a growing number of violent attacks upon individuals and businesses.

The Japanese government subsequently protested this treatment of its citizens. To maintain the Japanese-American friendship President Theodore Roosevelt attempted to negotiate a compromise, convincing the San Francisco school board to revoke the segregationist order, restraining the California Legislature from passing more anti-Japanese legislation and working out what was known as the "Gentlemen's Agreement" with the Japanese government. In this, the Japanese government agreed to limit emigration to the continental United States to laborers who had already been to the United States before and to the parents, wives, and children of laborers already there.

In 1913, California passed the Alien Land Law which prohibited the ownership of agricultural land by "aliens ineligible to citizenship." In 1920, a stronger Alien Land Act prohibited leasing and sharecropping as well. Both laws were based on the presumption that Asians were aliens ineligible for citizenship, which in turn stemmed from a narrow interpretation of the naturalization statute. The statute had been rewritten after the Fourteenth Amendment to the constitution to permit naturalization of "white persons" and "aliens of African descent." This exclusionism, clearly the intent of Congress, was legitimized by the Supreme Court in 1921, when Takao Ozawa was denied citizenship. However, the Nisei were citizens by birth, and therefore parents would often transfer title to their children. The Immigration Act of 1924 prohibited all further Japanese immigration, with the side effect of making a very distinct generation gap between the Issei and Nisei.

Many of the anti-Japanese fears arose from economic factors combined with envy, since many of the Issei farmers had become very successful at raising fruits and vegetables in soil that most people had considered infertile. Other fears were military in nature the Russo-Japanese War proved that the Japanese were a force to be reckoned with, and stimulated fears of Asian conquest — "the Yellow Peril." These factors, plus the perception of "otherness" and "Asian inscrutability" that typified American racial stereotypes, greatly influenced the events following Pearl Harbor.

In the Aftermath of Pearl Harbor

Beginning December 7, the Justice Department organized the arrests of 3,000 people whom it considered "dangerous" enemy aliens, half of whom were Japanese. Of the Japanese, those arrested included community leaders who were involved in Japanese organizations and religious groups. Evidence of actual subversive activities was not a prerequisite for arrest. At the same time, the bank accounts of all enemy aliens and all accounts in American branches of Japanese banks were frozen. These two actions paralyzed the Japanese American community by depriving it of both its leadership and financial assets.

In late January 1942 many of the Japanese arrested by the Justice Department were transferred to internment camps in Montana, New Mexico, and North Dakota. Often their families had no idea of their whereabouts for weeks. Some internees were reunited with their families later in relocation centers. However, many remained in Justice camps for the duration of the war.

After Pearl Harbor, the shock of a sneak attack on American soil caused widespread hysteria and paranoia. It certainly did not help matters when Frank Knox, Roosevelt's Secretary of the Navy, blamed Pearl Harbor on "the most effective fifth column work that's come out of this war, except in Norway." Knox apparently already realized that the local military's lack of preparedness far overshadowed any espionage in the success of the attack but did not want the country to lose faith in the Navy. This scapegoating opened the door to sensationalistic newspaper headlines about sabotage, fifth column activities, and imminent invasion. Such stories had no factual basis, but fed the growing suspicions about Japanese Americans (J.A.C.P. 1973). In fact, as far as Japanese attacks on the mainland were concerned, the military had already concluded that Japanese hit-and-run raids were possible, but that any large-scale invasion was beyond the capacity of the Japanese military, as was any invasion of Japan by the U.S. military.

"Military Necessity"

After the attack on Pearl Harbor martial law was declared in Hawaii and all civilians were subject to travel, security, and curfew restrictions imposed by the military. Japanese fishing boats were impounded and individuals considered potentially dangerous were arrested .

Politicians called for the mass incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry in Hawaii. But the military resisted: one-third of the Hawaiian population was of Japanese ancestry and the military didn't have enough soldiers to guard them or enough ships to send them to the mainland. More importantly, their labor was crucial to the civilian and military economy of the islands. In the end fewer than 1,500 (out of a population of 150,000) were confined and eventually removed to the mainland.

One of the key players in the confusion following Pearl Harbor was Lt. General John L. DeWitt, the commander of the Western Defense Command and the U.S. 4th Army. DeWitt had a history of prejudice against non-Caucasian Americans, even those already in the Army, and he was easily swayed by any rumor of sabotage or imminent Japanese invasion.

DeWitt was convinced that if he could control all civilian activity on the West Coast, he could prevent another Pearl Harbor-type disaster. J. Edgar Hoover of the FBI ridiculed the "hysteria and lack of judgment" of DeWitt's Military Intelligence Division, citing such incidents as the supposed powerline sabotage actually caused by cattle.

Nevertheless, in his Final Report (1943), DeWitt cites other reasons for the "military necessity" of evacuation, such as supposed signal lights and unidentified radio transmissions, none of which was ever verified. He also insisted on seizing weapons, ammunition, radios, and cameras without warrants. He called these "hidden caches of contraband," even though most of the weapons seized were from two legitimate sporting goods stores.

Initially, DeWitt did not embrace the broad-scale removal of all Japanese Americans from the West Coast. On December 19, 1941, General DeWitt recommended "that action be initiated at the earliest practicable date to collect all alien subjects fourteen years of age and over, of enemy nations and remove them" to the interior of the country and hold them "under restraint after removal". On December 26, he told Provost Marshall General Allen W. Gullion that "I'm very doubtful that it would be commonsense procedure to try and intern 117,000 Japanese in this theater . An American citizen, after all, is an American citizen. And while they all may not be loyal, I think we can weed the disloyal out of the loyal and lock them up if necessary".

With encouragement from Colonel Karl Bendetson, the head of the Provost Marshall's Aliens Division, on January 21, DeWitt recommended to Secretary of War Henry Stimson the establishment of small "prohibited zones" around strategic areas from which enemy aliens and their native-born children would be removed, as well as some larger "restricted zones" where they would be kept under close surveillance. Stimson and Attorney General Francis Biddle agreed, although Biddle was determined not to do anything to violate Japanese Americans' constitutional rights.

However, on February 9, DeWitt asked for much larger prohibited zones in Washington and Oregon which included the entire cities of Portland, Seattle, and Tacoma. Biddle refused to go along, but President Roosevelt, convinced of the military necessity, agreed to bypass the Justice Department. Roosevelt gave the army "carte blanche" to do what they wanted, with the caveat to be as reasonable as possible.

Two days later, DeWitt submitted his final recommendations in which he called for the removal of all Japanese, native-born as well as alien, and "other subversive persons" from the entire area lying west of the Sierra Nevada and Cascade Mountains. DeWitt justified this broad-scale removal on "military necessity" stating "the Japanese race is an enemy race" and "the very fact that no sabotage has taken place to date is a disturbing and confirming indication that such action will be taken" .

On February 17, Biddle made a last ditch effort to convince the President that evacuation was unnecessary. In addition, General Mark Clark of General Headquarters in Washington, D.C., was convinced that evacuation was counteractive to military necessity, as it would use far too many soldiers who could otherwise be fighting. He argued that "we will never have a perfect defense against sabotage except at the expense of other equally important efforts." Instead, he recommended protecting critical installations by using pass and permit systems and selective arrests as necessary.

Meanwhile, the Japanese American community, particularly the Nisei, were trying to establish their loyalty by becoming air raid wardens and joining the army (when they were allowed to). Since so many in the Issei leadership had been imprisoned during the initial arrests, the Nisei organizations, especially the JACL, gained influence in the Japanese American community. The JACL's policy of cooperation and appeasement was embraced by some Japanese Americans but vilified by others.

At first, there was no consistent treatment of Nisei who tried to enlist or who were drafted. Most Selective Service boards rejected them, classifying them as 4-F or 4-C (unsuitable for service because of race or ancestry), but they were accepted at others. The War Department prohibited further Nisei induction after March 31, 1942, "Except as may be specifically authorized in exceptional cases." The exceptions were bilingual Nisei and Kibei who served as language instructors and interpreters. All registrants of Japanese ancestry were officially classified as 4-C after September 14, 1942.

While the military debated restrictions on Japanese Americans and limited their involvement in the war, public opinion on the West Coast was growing in support of confining all persons of Japanese ancestry. The anti-Japanese American sentiment in the media was typified by and editorial in the Los Angeles Times: "A viper is nonetheless a viper wherever the egg is hatched — so a Japanese American, born of Japanese parents — grows up to be a Japanese, not an American".

Despite opposition by Biddle, the JACL, and General Mark Clark, on February 19, 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, authorizing the Secretary of War "to prescribe military areas in such places and of such extent as he or the appropriate Military Commander may determine, from which any or all persons may be excluded, and with respect to which, the right of any person to enter, remain in, or leave shall be subject to whatever restrictions the Secretary of War or the appropriate Military Commander may impose in his discretion. The Secretary of War is hereby authorized to provide for residents of any such area who are excluded therefrom, such transportation, food, shelter, and other accommodations as may be necessary in the judgement of the Secretary of War or said Military Commander. ."

In mid-February Congressional committee hearings headed by California congressman John Tolan were held on the West Coast to assess the need for the evacuation of Japanese Americans. The overwhelming majority of the witnesses supported the removal of all Japanese, alien and citizen, from the coast. California Governor Culbert L. Olson and State Attorney General Earl Warren supported removal of all Japanese Americans from coastal areas, stating that it was impossible to tell which ones were loyal. Soos de factospokesmen for the Japanese community, JACL leaders argued against mass evacuation, but to prove their loyalty pledged their readiness to cooperate if it were deemed a military necessity.

Other events in California contributed to the tense atmosphere. On February 23 a Japanese submarine shelled the California coast. It caused no serious damage but raised fears of further enemy action along the U.S. coast. The following night the "Battle of Los Angeles" took place. In response to an unidentified radar echo, the military called for a blackout and fired over 1,400 anti-aircraft shells. Twenty Japanese Americans were arrested for supposedly signaling the invaders, but the radar echo turned out to be a loose weather balloon.

Even prior to the signing of Executive Order 9066, the U.S. Navy had begun the removal of Japanese Americans from near the Port of Los Angeles: on February 14, 1942, the Navy announced that all persons of Japanese ancestry had to leave Terminal Island by March 14. On February 24 the deadline was moved up to February 27. Practically all family heads (mostly fisherman) had already been arrested and removed by the FBI and the 500 families living there were allowed to move on their own anywhere they wanted. Most stayed in the Los Angeles area until they were again relocated by the U.S. Army.

Ontruiming

Even after Executive Order 9066, no one was quite sure what was going to happen. Who would be "excluded," where would the "military areas" be, and where would people go after they had been "excluded"?

General DeWitt originally wanted to remove all Japanese, German, and Italian aliens. However, public opinion (with a few vocal dissenters) was in favor of relocating all Japanese Americans, citizen and alien alike, but opposed to any mass evacuation of German or Italian aliens, much less second generation Germans or Italians. Provost Marshall Gullion, who had always supported relocation of Japanese Americans, had only figured on males over the age of fourteen — about 46,000 from the West Coast a As the military negotiated possibilities, the Japanese American community continued to worry. Most followed the lead of the JACL and chose to cooperate with evacuation as a way to prove their loyalty. A few were vocally opposed to evacuation and later sought ways to prevent it, some with court cases that eventually reached the Supreme Court.

DeWitt issued several Public Proclamations about the evacuation, but these did little to clear up confusion in fact, they created more. On March 2, Public Proclamation No. 1 divided Washington, Oregon, California, and Arizona into two military areas, numbered 1 and 2. Military Area No. 1 was sub-divided into a "prohibited zone" along the coast and an adjacent "restricted zone." Ninety-eight smaller areas were also labeled prohibited, presumably strategic military sites. The announcement was aimed at "Japanese, German or Italian" aliens and "any person of Japanese ancestry," but it did not specifically order anyone to leave. However, an accompanying press release predicted that all people of Japanese ancestry would eventually be excluded from Military Area No. 1, but probably not from Military Area No. 2.

At this time, the government had not made any plans to help people move, and since most Issei assets had been frozen at the beginning of the war, most families lacked the resources to move. However, several thousand Japanese Americans voluntarily did try to relocate themselves. Over 9,000 persons voluntarily moved out of Military Area No. 1: of these, over half moved into the California portion of Military Area No. 2, where Public Proclamation No. 1 said no restrictions or prohibitions were contemplated. Later, of course, they would be forcefully evacuated from Military Area No. 2. Somewhat luckier were the Japanese Americans who moved farther into the interior of the country: 1,963 moved to Colorado, 1,519 moved to Utah, 305 moved to Idaho, 208 moved to eastern Washington, 115 moved to eastern Oregon, 105 moved to northern Arizona, 83 moved to Wyoming, 72 moved to Illinois, 69 moved to Nebraska, and 366 moved to other states. But many who did attempt to leave the West Coast discovered that the inland states were unwilling to accept them. The perception inland was that California was dumping its "undesirables," and many refugees were turned back at state borders, had difficulty buying gasoline, or were greeted with "No Japs Wanted" signs.

On March 11 the Army-controlled Wartime Civilian Control Administration (WCCA) was established to organize and carry out the evacuation of Military Area No. 1. Public Proclamation No. 2, on March 16, designated four more military areas in the states of Idaho, Montana, Nevada, and Utah, and 933 more prohibited areas. Although DeWitt pictured eventually removing all Japanese Americans from these areas, these plans never materialized.

Public Law No. 503, approved on March 21, 1942, made violating restrictions in a military area a misdemeanor, liable up to a $5,000 fine or a year in jail. Public Proclamation No. 3, effective March 27, instituted an 8:00 pm to 6:00 am curfew in Military Area No. 1 and listed prohibited areas for all enemy aliens and "persons of Japanese ancestry." Public Proclamation No. 3 also required that "at all other times all such persons shall only be at their place of residence or employment or traveling between those places or within a distance of not more than five miles from their place of residence."

Voluntary evacuation ended March 29, when Public Proclamation No. 4 forbade all Japanese from leaving Military Area No. 1 until ordered. Further instructions established reception centers as transitory evacuation facilities and forbade moves except to an approved location outside Military Area No. 1.

The first evacuation under the auspices of the Army began March 24 on Bainbridge Island near Seattle, and was repeated all along the West Coast. In all, 108 "Civilian Exclusion Orders" were issued, each designed to affect around 1,000 people. After initial notification, residents were given six days in which to dispose of nearly all their possessions, packing only "that which can be carried by the family or the individual" including bedding, toilet articles, clothing and eating utensils. The government was willing to store or ship some possessions "at the sole risk of the owner," but many did not trust that option. Most families sold their property and possessions for ridiculously small sums, while others trusted friends and neighbors to look after their properties.

By June 2, 1942, all Japanese in Military Area No. 1, except for a few left behind in hospitals, were in army custody. The image of the Japanese Americans is that they passively accepted evacuation. There is a Japanese philosophy "shikataganai" — it can't be helped. So, indeed the vast majority of the Japanese Americans were resigned to following the orders that sent them into the assembly centers which for many was a way to prove their loyalty to the U.S.

But a few cases of active resistance to the evacuation occurred. Three weeks after he was supposed to evacuate, Kuji Kurokawa was found, too weak to move due to malnutrition, hiding in the basement of the home where he had been employed for 10 years. He decided that he would not register or be evacuated, "I am an American citizen," he explained. In another story, perhaps apocryphal, Hideo Murata, a U.S. Army World War I veteran, committed suicide at a local hotel rather than be evacuated.

Three Japanese-Americans challenged the government's actions in court. Minoru Yasui had volunteered for military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and was rejected because of his Japanese ancestry. An attorney, he deliberately violated the curfew law of his native Portland, Oregon, stating that citizens have the duty to challenge unconstitutional regulations. Gordon Hirabayashi, a student at the University of Washington, also deliberately violated the curfew for Japanese Americans and disregarded the evacuation orders, claiming that the government was violating the 5th amendment by restricting the freedom of innocent Japanese Americans. Fred Korematsu changed his name, altered his facial features, and went into hiding. He was later arrested for remaining in a restricted area. In court, Korematsu claimed the government could not imprison a group of people based solely on ancestry. All three lost their cases. Yasui spent several months in jail and was then sent to the Minidoka Relocation Center, Hirabayashi spent time in jail and several months at a Federal prison in Arizona, and Korematsu was sent to the Topaz Relocation Center.

According to one author, the only act of "sabotage" by a Japanese American was a product of the relocation process. When told to leave his home and go to an assembly center, one farmer asked for an extension to harvest his strawberry crop. His request was denied, so he plowed under the strawberry field. He was then arrested for sabotage, on the grounds that strawberries were a necessary commodity for the war effort. No one was allowed to delay evacuation in order to harvest their crops and subsequently Californians were faced with shortages of fruits and vegetables. Japanese Americans grew 95 percent of the state's strawberries and one-third of the state's truck crops.

Even though the justification for the evacuation was to thwart espionage and sabotage, newborn babies, young children, the elderly, the infirm, children from orphanages, and even children adopted by Caucasian parents were not exempt from removal. Anyone with 1/16th or more Japanese blood was included. In all, over 17,000 children under 10 years old, 2,000 persons over 65 years old, and 1,000 handicapped or infirm persons were evacuated.


March 22, 1941: The Grand Coulee Dam Opens

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Thanks in large part to Woody Guthrie, the Grand Coulee Dam is thought of by many on the left as the epitome of smart, progressive economic planning&mdasha physical monument to the accomplishments of the New Deal. But like so much we cover on The Almanac, the story was a lot more complicated at the time. In The Nation in 1935, James Rorty&mdashfather of the philosopher Richard Rorty, and a frequent Nasie correspondent&mdashwrote an article critical of the Grand Coulee project, which opened on this day in 1941.

Grand Coulee is magnificent. One readily admits the grandiose conceptual beauty of the project, its demonstrated engineering feasibility, and the rich yield of cheap power and fertile irrigated land which its completion will add to our national resources. But don&rsquot call it planning. That dream is for some undetermined future. The present dream is something different. It is the older American dream of unearned increment, the dream that swept across the continent during the long century of westward expansion, slaughtering the forests, raping our resources of coal, oil, and water power, building railroads and boom towns, piling interest and rent burdens on farmers and townspeople alike&mdashin short, the dream of selfish conquest and aggrandizement, not the dream of planning.

To mark The Nation&rsquos 150th anniversary, every morning this year The Almanac will highlight something that happened that day in history and how The Nation covered it. Get The Almanac every day (or every week) by signing up to the e-mail newsletter.

Richard Kreitner Twitter Richard Kreitner is a contributing writer and the author of Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union. His writings are at www.richardkreitner.com.

The Almanac Today in history&mdashand how The Nation covered it.


Kyk die video: Great Victory at Leningrad 1944 Documentary movie. English subtitles (Augustus 2022).