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Die Maagd- en Kindermosaïek, Hagia Sophia

Die Maagd- en Kindermosaïek, Hagia Sophia



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The Virgin and Child Mosaic, Hagia Sophia - Geskiedenis

Hagia Sofia se geskiedenis en ikone.

Hagia Sofia se geskiedenis en ikone.

Die wêreldberoemde Hagia Sophia-museum in Istanbul, wat oorspronklik as 'n katedraal gestig is, is omskep in 'n moskee. Die president van Turkye, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, het die besluit aangekondig nadat 'n hof die museumstatus van die werf tot niet gemaak het.

Hagia Sophia, wat 1500 jaar gelede as 'n Ortodokse Christelike katedraal gebou is, is na die Ottomaanse verowering in 1453 in 'n moskee omskep.

Die Hagia Sophia, 'n groot trekpleister vir toeriste, het 'n lang en ingewikkelde geskiedenis. Die argitektoniese wonder is in die 6de eeu as 'n kerk deur die Bisantyne gebou en daarna omgeskakel na 'n moskee na die Ottomaanse verowering van Konstantinopel in 1453.

In 1934 het die Turkse leier Mustafa Kemal Ataturk se kabinet besluit dat dit 'n museum moet word. Dit word algemeen beskou as 'n simbool van vreedsame godsdienstige naasbestaan. Dit is 'n Unesco -wêrelderfenisgebied.

Die verandering wat na Hagia Sophia kom, het sedert die 6de eeu voortgeduur, wat die Bisantynse Ryk en die Ottomaanse era oorskry het. Nou, weereens, sal dit 'n moskee wees. Maar Turkse amptenare sê Christelike embleme, insluitend die mosaïek van die Maagd Maria wat sy bol goue koepel versier, sal nie verwyder word nie.

Veranderinge by Hagia Sophia is baie simbolies. Dit was Kemal Ataturk, die stigter van die moderne Turkye, wat besluit het dat dit 'n museum moet wees. Maar baie in die internasionale gemeenskap beweer dat die monument aan die mensdom behoort, en nie aan Turkye nie en dat dit onveranderd moes gebly het. Hulle sê dit was 'n brug tussen twee gelowe en 'n simbool van saamleef. Kort na die aankondiging is die eerste oproep tot gebed voorgelees by Hagia Sophia en is dit uitgesaai op die belangrikste nuuskanale van Turkye.

Bob Atchison het baie ondersoek ingestel na die ikone in Hagia Sofia en 'n agtergrond gegee oor die geskiedenis. As u vandag die museum binnekom, kom toeriste deur 'n groot gewelfde voorkamer. Oor die deur is 'n groot mosaïek van die Maagd met Konstantyn en Justinianus aan weerskante van haar. In haar skoot sit die Christuskind. Hierdie mosaïek staan ​​al meer as duisend jaar hier. Ons weet nie wanneer dit onder kalk en gips weggesteek is nie, maar die meeste van die belangrikste mosaïek van Hagia Sophia bly honderde jare lank blootgestel ná die verowering van Konstantinopel deur die Ottomane.

As u die hoofdeel van die museum binnekom, staan ​​die Maagd en Kind in die apsis onmiddellik voor u. In die grootheid van die ruimte van die skip is die figuur klein. Hier het dit honderde jare gebly nadat die kerk in 'n moskee omskep is. Miljoene Moslems het onder haar gebid, met die engele aan weerskante van haar in die bema boog.

As ek terugkeer na die ikone van die Maagd in Hagia Sophia, is daar nog twee goeie voorbeelde daarvan in die boonste suidelike galery. Hierdie ruimte is verbind met die Groot Paleis deur 'n houtpaadjie en trap. Dit het groot vensters sodat mense lede van die keiserlike gesin en die hofproses van die paleis na die kerk bo hulle kon sien. Hierdie verhewe weg was bekend en indrukwekkend, en dit is in ander koninklike howe van die tyd gedupliseer. Jare gelede kon u nog steeds Bisantynse inskripsies op die ander muur van Hagia Sophia sien waar die weg aan die muur gekoppel was. Nou gaan die deur aan die binnekant oop in die buitelug.

Die suidelike galery word dikwels die keiserlike galery genoem, maar dit is regtig nie so nie. Mense sien die beelde van die keiserlike heersers van Bisantium hier en maak die gevolgtrekking dat dit 'n koninklike ruimte is. Die Groot Kerk van Hagia Sophia was 'n patriargale kerk, dit was nie 'n keiserlike instelling nie. Die keiser kon nie Hagia Sophia binnegaan sonder die uitnodiging van die patriarg nie, wat die keiser en sy gesin sou begroet by watter ingang hulle ook al gebruik.

Daar is drie oorlewende mosaïeke in die boonste suidelike galery, twee van hulle het keiserlike figure. Dit wys dat lede van die keiserlike gesin geld en ander toelaes aan die kerk en die geestelikes van Hagia Sophia maak. Hierdie ruimte was eintlik 'n geestelike ruimte en baie kerkrade is daar gehou.

Een van die mosaïekpanele toon John, Eirene en hul seun Alexios Comnenos met die Maagd Theotokos tussen hulle. Hierdie mosaïek is baie bekend en is een van die hoogtepunte wat elke toeris wat na die galerye op die tweede verdieping gaan, sien en bewonder. Die figuur van die Maagd en die Kind lyk vir moderne kykers styf en hiëraties. Dit verteenwoordig 'n spesifieke ikoontipe van die Theotokos, een wat as 'n beskermvrou van die keiserlike familie en hof beskou is. Die ander ikoon van die Maagd in die suidelike galery is links van Christus in die groot Deesis. Dit kontrasteer in styl dramaties met die ander een. Die Deesis Virgin is van uiters fyn afwerking en het 'n byna oormatige sagtheid. Dit bestaan ​​uit ongelooflike klein blokkies glas en klip en is gemaak om voordeel te trek uit die unieke beligting van sy posisie langs die groot vensters van die galery.

Daar was baie draagbare beelde van die Maagd in die hele Hagia Sophia. Diegene op die grondvloer is deur pelgrims na die kerk gevier. Baie was groot kunswerke wat kunstenaars in Europa en Asië geïnspireer het. Die belangrikste fokus van besoekers aan die kerk sou die beelde tussen die kolomme van die groot marmer -ikonostase van die kerk gewees het, versier met silwer, emalje, pêrels en emaljes wat van hul versierings verwyder is en vernietig is na die omskakeling van die kerk in 'n moskee.

Bid met ikone

Soek eerstens 'n ikoon. Steek indien moontlik 'n kers aan of brand 'n bietjie wierook naby. Dit kan die atmosfeer van gebed verder versterk en alle sintuie betrek. Kyk dan net na die ikoon.

Baie geestelike skrywers verduidelik dat bid met ikone 'n ontvanklike ervaring is, waar ons na die hemel kyk en God toelaat om ons hart aan te raak. Dit is belangrik om eenvoudig na die ikoon te kyk en die verskillende besonderhede en kleure raak te sien. Alles op die ikoon is simbolies en dui op 'n geestelike waarheid oor God. As die onderwerp van die ikoon 'n heilige is, is daar tipies verskillende simbole wat 'n 'geestelike portret' van die heilige skep, wat eienskappe of gebeure weerspieël wat tot die persoon se heiligheid bygedra het.

Die goue agtergrond herinner aan die teenwoordigheid van God en sy ongeskape lig. Dit is 'n uitnodiging om sy teenwoordigheid te betree en opgeneem te word in 'n geestelike ryk van skoonheid.

Luister is 'n belangrike deel van die gebed met ikone, aangesien dit ons toelaat om die woord van God te hoor en wat hy met ons wil spreek. Dit versterk die werklikheid dat gebed in wese 'n gesprek is waar ons ons liefde vir God verdiep.

As u na die ikoon kyk, bly stil en stil en herken waar u oog getrek word. Watter uitwerking het die kleur op jou? Watter gevoelens wek die ikoon op?

Let op die oë van die individu in die ikoon. Dikwels kyk die oë terug na ons. Laat die oë van Jesus, Maria of een van die heiliges deur u siel dring. Wat probeer hulle vir jou sê?

Neem soveel tyd as wat u nodig het met die ikoon. Probeer eers 10 of 15 minute met die ikoon deurbring. Hierdie tipe gebed vereis 'n kontemplatiewe hart, 'n vertraagde hart, wat 'n blaaskans neem van die vinnige samelewing waarin ons leef.

Nadat die tyd verby is, dank die Here vir die geleentheid om saam met hom te wees en die ikoon op 'n geskikte plek te bêre. Om met ikone te bid, kan 'n pragtige ervaring wees, een wat elke dag herhaal kan word.


Omstredenheid breek uit terwyl Turkye die wêrelderfenisgebied Hagia Sophia in 'n moskee omskep

Die wêreldberoemde Hagia Sophia in Istanbul gaan weer 'n moskee word. Dit is 'n plek van groot godsdienstige betekenis vir beide Christene en Moslems, en het sedert die 6de eeu in die een of ander vorm daar gestaan. In 1934 word dit 'n museum en is dit 'n uitstekende trekpleister vir toeriste. Nou het president Recep Tayyip Erdogan die omstrede besluit aangekondig om sy status te verander.

Soos berig deur BBC News, het die Turkse staatsraad tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat Hagia Sophia "nie wettig moontlik is nie" om in sy huidige vorm voort te gaan. Hulle noem die 'skikkingsakte' wat blykbaar die gebruik daarvan as 'n moskee bevestig. Diegene wat "dit as 'n museum gedefinieer het, het nie aan wette voldoen nie". Die regering beweer dat hulle 'n soewereine reg uitoefen.

Lugfoto van Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, Turkye

Museumstatus vir die Bisantynse struktuur is bepaal deur Kemal Atatürk, eerste president van die Republiek van Turkye. Dit is gebou as 'n basiliek vir Grieks -Ortodokse Christene deur keiser Constantius in 360 nC, en het deur die eeue heen deur omwentelinge en selfs verwoesting gegaan. Die Hagia Sophia wat vandag gesien word, is die derde weergawe, onder toesig van Justinianus I (537 nC). Toe Mehmed die Veroweraar Konstantinopel vir die Ottomane in 1453 inneem, het die Hagia Sophia van katedraal na moskee gegaan.

Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, Turkye

Die uitspraak wat Vrydag gemaak is, het 'n geskreeu veroorsaak, en baie beskou dit as 'n poging om gesentraliseerde gesag te versterk. Twee jaar gelede het die president stilweg die openingsverse van die Koran binne sy mure voorgelees. Orla Guerin, wat vir die BBC geskryf het, meen dat hy 'nou nog 'n stap neem om die sekulêre nalatenskap van Ataturk af te breek en Turkye volgens sy visie te herontwerp'. Sy voeg by dat dit 'goed speel met sy basiese godsdienstige konserwatiewes en#8211 en met Turkse nasionaliste'.

Hagia Sophia (Aya Sofya) binnenshuis vasgemaak met visooglens.

Behalwe dat dit 'n blywende herinnering aan die geskiedenis van Turkye is, skep die webwerf 'n balans vir die burgers van Istanbul. Die stad lê op die Bosporustraat, tussen Europa en Asië. Ongeveer 15 miljoen mense deel die grens tussen 2 kontinente. History.com sê: "Net soos die Eiffeltoring in Parys of die Parthenon in Athene, is die Hagia Sophia 'n blywende simbool van die kosmopolitiese stad."

Apsemosaïek van die Maagd en Kind in die Hagia Sophia

Die webwerf verwys na die bedoeling van Justinianus dat die katedraal uiteenlopend is in die konstruksie, wat die uitgestrekte Bisantynse Ryk weerspieël. “Die marmer wat vir die vloer en plafon gebruik is, is vervaardig in Anatolië (die huidige oostelike Turkye) en Sirië, terwyl ander stene (wat in die mure en dele van die vloer gebruik is) van so ver as Noord-Afrika gekom het. Die binnekant van Hagia Sophia is bedek met enorme marmerblaaie wat na bewering ontwerp is om bewegende water na te boots. Die kolomme kom deels van Efese en die tempel van Artemis.

Die keiserin Zoe -mosaïek in die Hagia Sophia. Foto deur Myrabella

Hagia Sophia is 'n wêrelderfenisgebied, en Unesco is een van die organisasies wat die uitspraak teenstaan. The Irish Times skryf dat dit ook 'diep ontsteltenis ontlok het onder Ortodokse Christene en die Geneefse Wêreldraad van Kerke, waarvan die lede Protestantse en Ortodokse Kerke insluit, het gepraat van die' hartseer en ontsteltenis '.

Kritiek kom van die heel hoogste vlakke. Tydens 'n openbare toespraak maak die pous '' 'n baie kort, geïmproviseerde opmerking '' waarin hy sê: 'Ek dink aan Hagia Sophia, en ek is diep seer.'

Diegene wat die statusverandering vrees, sal verdeeldheid saai, het volgens Erdogan niks te vrees nie. Volgens die BBC sê hy "die deure van Hagia Sophia sal wyd oop wees vir inwoners en buitelanders, Moslems en nie-Moslems". Orla Guerin skryf: "Turkse amptenare sê dat Christelike embleme, insluitend mosaïeke van die Maagd Maria wat sy stywe goue koepel versier, nie verwyder sal word nie."

Hagia Sophia is vanaf 24 Julie oop as 'n moskee vir gebed. Die ikoniese gebou het die afgelope 1500 jaar 'n paar dramatiese gebeure beleef. Dit sal ongetwyfeld nog jare lank gasheer wees.

Steve Palace is 'n skrywer en komediant uit die Verenigde Koninkryk. Hy dra by tot beide The Vintage News en The Hollywood News en het inhoud vir baie ander webwerwe geskep. Sy kort fiksie is uitgegee deur Obverse Books.


BESKRYWING VAN MOSAIKA - HAGIA SOPHIA

Die Maagd wat in die middel van die apsis -halfkoepel beslaan, word op die troon van die kind op haar skoot voorgestel. Sy rus haar regterhand op die kind se regterskouer, en haar linkerhand, met 'n sakdoek, op die linkerknie van die kind. Die figuur is volledig, behalwe 'n gebied van verlies (ongeveer 80 m hoog en 0,70 wyd) aan die linkerkant van die maagd wat ooreenstem met haar linkervoorarm en elmboog, die linkerhand van die kind en 'n deel van die boonste kussing op die troon geplaas. Verder is daar 'n spleet wat veroorsaak word deur 'n strukturele skeuring in die dop van die halfkoepel, wat in die middel van die figuur tot by die punt van die sentrale venster loop. Dit is duidelik dat die mosaïek uitgevoer is in 'n tyd toe die halfkoepel reeds die vervormings ondergaan het wat dit vandag vertoon.

Wat die verhoudings van die figuur betref, moet u sekere oorwegings in gedagte hou. Die afmetings hieronder is op die kromme gemeet en toon aan dat die skaal in die algemeen verminder word namate 'n mens hoër in die figuur gaan. Hierdie afname, hoewel nie konsekwent nie (dus is die maagd se voete te klein, selfs volgens normale standaarde), is onmiskenbaar: die maagd se kop is te klein in verhouding tot haar totale hoogte (die verhouding is 1: 8.3), haar die regterhand is aansienlik kleiner as haar linkerhand, en die figuur van die kind verloor ook skaal na bo. Hierdie anomalie kan nie verklaar word deur 'n rasionele poging van die kunstenaar om optiese vervorming teen te werk nie. Aangesien die Maagd -figuur bo die vensters van die konk geplaas is, lê dit nie soos gewoonlik op die kwadrant van 'n sirkel nie, maar in die boonste helfte van 'n kwadrant, en as ons 'n denkbeeldige lyn van bo na bo trek onderaan die komposisie, sou hierdie lyn 300 tot die horisontaal wees. Om die mosaïek reghoekig van die grond af te sien, moet 'n mens aan die oostelike punt van die gebou staan, in lyn met die oostelike buitekant. Van die middel van die skip af word die boonste deel van die mosaïek meer as die onderste deel daarvan verkort, sodat die verhouding van kop tot liggaam ongeveer 1: 9 word. Dit is slegs as 'n mens direk onder die mosaïek staan ​​('n posisie wat ontoeganklik is vir die middeleeuse aanbidder) dat die verhoudings byna normaal word. Met ander woorde, die skepper van die mosaïek het die figuur neergelê asof dit bedoel was vir die onderste ring van 'n koepel, reguit te sien, soos byvoorbeeld in die Hemelvaartkoepel van St. Sophia, Salonica, waar die figure van die Maagd en die apostels word korrek verleng in verhouding tot hul koppe. Let op dat in die apsis van laasgenoemde kerk die hoof van die op die troon staande maagd, inteendeel, buite verhouding groot is. Wat beslis in ons geval gebeur het, is dat die mosaïek van die Maagd op 'n platform min of meer met die vensters van die apsis-halfkoepel ontwerp is. As ons veronderstel dat die kunstenaar sy uitkykpunt direk onder die kroon van die halfkoepel of 'n baie kort ent verder wes neem, soos hy sou moes doen om die hele komposisie in een oogopslag te sien, dan is die verhoudings van die Die mosaïek word redelik normaal, en nog meer duidelik, wat op 'n punt onder die bema -boog op die vlak van die marmer kroonlys geneem is (verhouding van kop tot hele liggaam I: 6.6) .6 Vir verdere bevestiging van ons voorstel, let op dat in figuur 12 lyk die sitplek en voetbank van die Maagd se troon byna horisontaal en die troonpale vertikaal, terwyl die mosaïek van onder af gesien kan word (vgl. fig. I), lyk dit asof die sitplek in die middel sak en die pale om uitmekaar te kom by die basis. Met ander woorde, die kunstenaar het nie gedink aan die voorkoms van die mosaïek van die grond af nie: hy het die komposisie vryhande ontwerp en die verhoudings gegee wat korrek van sy stellasie lyk. Uiteraard kon hy nie 'n vierkantige skets gebruik het om die ontwerp op die muur oor te dra nie.

Die buitelyn bestaan ​​uit vier rye rooi glas tesserae. Die goue veld van die stralekrans is konsentreer, behalwe die afwerking rondom die kop en skouers wat drie rye breed is. Gemeng met die goue blokkies is 'n klein deel silwerblokkies. Die onderverf op die dekbed is rooi.

Die wenkbroue bestaan ​​uit 'n enkele ry swart glas tesserae onder wat 'n skaduwee van persbruin glas is. Die boonste ooglede is in swart glas, die onderste ooglede in persbruin glas. Wit oë: die verligte dele is van wit kalksteenblokkies, die skaduwee van olyfglas. Leerlinge: die buitelyn en middelpunte is van swart glas, die res van persbruin glas. Opsetlike skade is aangerig aan albei oë, miskien deur die werkers van Fossati. Die neusrif bestaan ​​uit twee vertikale rye fynkorrelige wit marmer, gevolg deur een ry grofkorrelige Proconnesiese wit marmer aan die regterkant (verlig) en twee rye roommarmer aan die linkerkant (in die skaduwee) ry pienk marmer, een ry persbruin glas, twee rye olyfglas en twee rye geelgroen glas. Die punt van die neus is, net soos die rand, in gladde wit marmer. Die neusgate is van swart glas, die skaduwee onder die neus is in persbruin glas. Die skeidingslyn van die mond is in rooi glas. Die bolip, die hoë lig op die onderlip en die mondhoeke is in vermiljoenglas. Die skaduwee onder die mond is in persbruin glas.
Die vleestone is in die volgende materiale: fynkorrelige wit marmer, Proconnesiese wit marmer, melkerige spierwit glas (langs die regterkant van die gesig), roommarmer en drie skakerings van pienk marmer. Daar is 'n tikkie vermiljoenglas op die punt van die ken en drie lyne daarvan op die linker wang.
Die skaduwee dele van die gesig bestaan ​​uit persbruin glas, olyfglas, liggroen en geelgroen glas. Die ore is nie omlyn nie. Die tesserae wat in die gesig gebruik word, is soms so klein as 3 mm en sup2. Daar is klein areas van verlies op die voorkop, onder die regteroog en op die punt van die ken.
Onder die ken is daar 'n taamlik swaar skaduwee in persbruin glas en groen glase, en die laaste strek tot by die skaduwee (linkerkant) van die nek. Daar is verder 'n lyn liggroen glas aan die onderkant van die nek.

Die onderste lyn van die vingers en die agterkant van die hand is in rooi glas. Die vleistone is in fynkorrelige wit marmer, Prokonnesiese wit marmer en drie kleure pienk marmer, die skaduwees is in geelgroen glas. Die kneukels op die wys- en middelvingers sowel as die naels word ongemerk aangedui in fynkorrelige wit marmer. Die spykers is nie soos in die linkerhand omlyn nie.

Die duim en vingers is omlyn aan die regterkant van die toeskouer met matbruin glas, wat ook die swaar skaduwee op die agterkant van die hand vorm. Die ligter skaduwee naby die pols sowel as die een lyn aan die linkerkant van die ringvinger is in geelgroen glas. Die vleistone is dieselfde as in die regterhand. Die spykers is in rooi glas omlyn.
Oor die duim gevou is 'n sakdoek bestaande uit wit Proconnesiese marmer, omskryf aan die linkerkant van die toeskouer met twee rye wit kalksteen tesserae. Kalksteen word ook gebruik vir die kwas aan die linkerkant, maar nie aan die regterkant van die sakdoek nie.

Die voete, wat buite verhouding klein is (die blootgestelde deel van die linkervoet is slegs 0,20 m lank), is soos gewoonlik in rooi pantoffels gesny. Oorspronklik is die pantoffels in twee kleure weergegee: rooi glas is gebruik vir die skaduwee dele, terwyl die verligte dele bestaan ​​uit blokkies wat in rooi loodverf gedoop is. Die verf het grootliks afgeskil en beide glas- en klip -tesserae van verskillende kleure, goud, silwer, groen, blou, ens.

Die doek wat die kop van die maagd bedek, is van wit Proconnesiese marmer met 'n skaduwee en drievoudige voulyne in turkoois glas. Die doek is omlyn met 'n enkele lyn van swart glas tesserae teen die gesig. Die Maagd is, soos gewoonlik, geklee in 'n stola en 'n maphorion. Albei is van dieselfde kleur. Die stola is sigbaar onder die nek, aan die boord van die regterarm en van die knieë af. Die kledingstukke word aangedui deur slegs vier skakerings van glas tesserae: turkoois, kobaltblou, donkerblou en swart (soms suiwer swart, soms pers). Die turkoois het 'n aansienlike agteruitgang van die oppervlak ondergaan, wat veroorsaak dat dit 'n ligter skakering het. Dit is veral opvallend aan die regterknie van die Maagd, en veroorsaak, as dit van ver af gesien word, die bedrieglike voorkoms van 'n oordrewe hoë lig. Die maphorion is versier met kruisvormige segmenta, elk bestaande uit vier klein goue vierkante, een van hierdie ornamente is in die middel van die kap en een op elke skouer geplaas. Die rand van die maphorion waar dit van die linkerarm af val, het 'n dubbele rand in ligte turkoois glas met die ligte naby in wit marmer. Aan die soom is tossels wat bestaan ​​uit twee of drie drade wat in 'n knoop vasgemaak is. Die tossels is taamlik skematies geteken, dit is in wit marmer, teen die blou van die maphorion en in blou glas teen die goud van die voetbank.

Die stralekrans is omskryf met drie rye rooi glas tesserae. Die arms van die kruis, wat amper reguit is, is in wit Prokonnesiese marmer. Die veld van die stralekrans is in goud, konsentries gestel. Daar is geen mengsel van silwerblokkies in die goud nie.

Daar is opsetlike skade aan die regteroog. Verdere areas van verlies vind plaas bo die regteroor, bo -op die kop en aan die linkerkant van die hare tot op 'n punt net bokant die linkeroor.

Die kind word ligharig vertoon. Die ligter hare is in geel glas en geelgroen glas, terwyl die donkerder hare in helderbruin glas (goue blokkies sywaarts gedraai) en mat bruin glas is. Af en toe word goue toutjies aangevoer. 'N Drievoudige knop val oor die middel van die voorkop. Die vleistone van die gesig en nek bestaan ​​uit die volgende materiale. Fynkorrelige wit marmer word gebruik vir die uitsteekbare of verligte dele, nl. die middel van die voorkop, bo die wenkbroue, een vertikale ry langs die neusrand en een dwarsry bo -oor die brug, die punt van die neus, die bokant van die ken en 'n paar lyne onder die oë. Die grys aar van Prokonnesiese marmer bied ligte skaduwees op die neusrand (vertikaal, weerskante van die wit lyn), tussen die wenkbroue, aan die regterkant van die voorkop (binne die groen skaduwee), onder die oë, en in 'n klein kolletjie links van die mond. Drie kleure pienk marmer word gebruik, die bleekste meestal in die voorkop, die twee meer intense kleure in die wange en ken. Room marmer omlyn die neus en neusgate. Daar is drie kleure groen glas: liggeelgroen, geelgroen (onder die oë, aan die regterkant van die nek en aan die regterkant van die voorkop) en liggroen (buitelyn van die regterbeen). Olyfglas word in twee kleure (een geel) gebruik om die hele linkerkant van die kop te omskryf en in kombinasie met persbruin glas in die skadu om die oë en onder die mond. Persbruin glas omlyn die neus en oë.
Die wenkbroue, ooglede, neusgate en mondhoeke is in effens pers swart glas. Die skeiding van die mond is in dieprooi glas. Vermilion -glas word gebruik in die lippe, klein kolletjies op die wange, 'n kol op die onderste deel van die ken en ander op die regteroor. Die wit van die oë is in wit kalksteen.

Die regterhand, wat alleen behoue ​​bly, is taamlik lomp geteken. Dit word in seën gehou, met die ringvinger agteroor gebuig en by die duim vasgemaak. Die spasies tussen die punte van die vingers is in ongesette gips gelaat. Die onderkant van die vingers en hand is omring in dieprooi glas. Die vleistone word weergegee deur middel van wit marmer, grys Proconnesiese marmer en drie skakerings van pienk marmer. Die skaduwees word uitgedruk in geelgroen en liggroen glas.

Die boekrol wat in die linkerhand van die kind gehou is, bestaan ​​uit 'n vertikale strook, twee tot drie rye blokkies breed, van mat kalksteen, omring deur twee rye Prokonnesiese wit marmer. Die skaduwee aan die regterkant van die toeskouer is in twee tot drie rye lig turkoois glas, wat ook die sirkelvormige opening bo -aan die boekrol gevorm het.

Die regtervoet, bedek, behalwe die tone en die onderste deel van die wreef, word met kort voorkant vertoon. Die linkervoet is in profiel (lengte 0,34 m.). Die voete is in sandale gesny, waarvan die sool bestaan ​​uit 'n dubbele ry goue blokkies en die ringe van een ry goud, omring met helderbruin glas. Die vleistone bestaan ​​uit fynkorrelige wit marmer, Proconnesiese wit marmer en drie kleure pienk marmer. Die skaduwee langs die linkervoet se sole is in liggeelgroen en geelgroen glas. Die regtervoet het 'n groen skaduwee wat die tone van die wreef skei.

Net soos in die geval van die Maagd, is daar geen onderskeid in kleur tussen die tuniek, waarvan die regtermou en die gedeelte wat die bors bedek, en die himasie wat die res van die liggaam omhul nie. Die basiese kleur is goud. Die verligte of voorste dele is in silwer, die skaduwees in matbruin glas. Donker voulyne is in deursigtige glas (goue blokkies op hul sy geplaas), wat meestal bruin, soms groenerig is.

Die troon waarop die Maagd sit, word regs en effens van bo gesien. As gevolg van 'n foutiewe perspektief, is die konstruksie daarvan nie dadelik duidelik nie. Die horisontale sitplek is bedoel om op twee pare vierkantige paaltjies ondersteun te word, elke paar word deur 'n dwarsstaaf aan mekaar vasgemaak. Die voorste paal aan die linkerkant van die toeskouer het 'n balbasis, maar dit is nie die geval met die agterste paal aan die regterkant nie. Die regter- en linkergedeelte van die troon is verskillend in verhouding (die dikte van die sitplek is 0,2I tot 0,245 m aan die linkerkant en 0,32 aan die regterkant) en die cabochon -klippe wat die onderskeie dele versier, is nie in lyn nie. Daar is nog 'n paar teenstrydighede wat hieronder beskryf sal word.
Die agteruitgaande dele van die troon is gemaak van 'n growwe graniet wat oorspronklik van 'n bruin kleur was, maar nou 'n grys kleur van ongeskikte skaduwee het. Die graniet tesserae is van verskillende groottes tot 2 cm lank en is onnetjies in horisontale rye geplaas, behalwe in die dwarsbalk aan die regterkant van die toeskouer, waar dit op die segment van 'n sirkel geplaas is. Groot en klein tesserae is sonder onderskeid gebruik.
Die horisontale sitplek van die troon is aan die linkerkant van die toeskouer omskryf met dieselfde grys graniet, behalwe dat ongeveer twee derdes van die boonste buitelyn in drie rye gemengde bruin glas is, mat en helder. Aan die regterkant van die toeskouer is die voor- en agterkant van die bokant van die sitplek in helderbruin glas, terwyl die kant van die sitplek en die onderste voorkant in graniet omlyn is.
Die voorkant van die sitplek is versier met cabochonstene, afwisselend reghoekig en ovaal. Tussen elke klip is drie pêrels in 'n vertikale ry. Die klippe, wat afwisselend van groen en rooi glas tesserae gemaak is, het silwer ringe wat in bruin glas omlyn is. Die pêrels is van Prokonnesiese marmer en het skaduwees van bruin glas.
Die linker voorste paal van die troon is omlyn op die toeskouer met grys graniet, behalwe die onderste 16 cm van die buitelyn wat in bruin glas is. Die versiering van die pos bestaan ​​uit twee ovaal en twee reghoekige klippe en tien pêrels. Die ovaal klippe rooi, die reghoekige groen. Die houers is weereens silwer, maar dit is omskryf met granietblokkies. Die vier boonste pêrels het bruin glasskaduwees, die vier middelste pêrels skaduwees van grys graniet en die twee onderste pêrels blou glasskaduwees. Van die twee onderste pêrels is die een aan die regterkant buite verhouding groot en sy blou skaduwee sny in die vertikale buitelyn van die paal. Die basis van die paal is in donkerblou glas omskryf.
Die voorste paal aan die regterkant van die toeskouer is versier met 'n rooi ovaal klip en 'n paar groen reghoekige klippe, sowel as met pêrels. Soos ons gesê het, stem hierdie klippe nie ooreen met dié op die linkerpaal nie, omdat die troon se sitplek aansienlik wyer is en aan die regterkant laer kom as aan die linkerkant.

Twee kussings word op die troon se sitplek geplaas. Alhoewel die Maagd daarop bedoel is, gee die kussings die indruk dat hulle agter haar rug lê. Die boonste kussing het sy verligte dele in wit Proconnesiese marmer. Ligte skaduwees is in grys Proconnesiese marmer, medium skaduwees in ligte turkoois glas en swaar skaduwees in turkoois glas. Die boonste kussing is versier met klimopblare in rooi glas tesserae. Die grootste deel van hierdie kussing aan die regterkant van die toeskouer is vernietig. Die onderste kussing het sy hoë ligte in geel glas gemeng met geelgroen glas. Die hoofkussing van die kussing is in blaargroen glas, terwyl medium skaduwees in turkoois glas is, gedeeltelik verval en swaar skaduwees in donkerblou glas.

Die voetbank word in omgekeerde perspektief getoon en is regs in die middel van die troon geplaas. Die voorkant van die voetbank is 2,34 m lank aan die voet; die hoogte van die sy neem toe van 0,33 m aan die voorkant tot 0,365 m agter. Die voorkant, net soos die bokant van die voetbank, is goud, terwyl die sykant in matbruin glas gekleur is met 'n besprenkeling goue blokkies. Die buitelyn is in donkerblou glas, die boonste van die voorkant is die swaarste (vyf rye breed). Die onderste horisontale en twee vertikale buitelyne van die voorkant is vier rye breed, die sylyn drie rye breed. Die agterkant van die voetbank het geen blou buitelyn nie.
Die voorkant en sy van die voetbank is versier met cabochonstene en pêrels. Die voorkant het 'n diamantvormige klip in die middel en drie reghoekige klippe aan weerskante van die sy, 'n ovaal klip in die middel met twee reghoekige klippe. Die klippe van die klippe is goud met blou buitelyne. Soos op die troon, is die klippe afwisselend rooi en groen, maar hier is 'n interessante verfyning: sommige van die klippe (die derde, vyfde, sesde en sewende telling van links) is in twee kleure van dieselfde kleur. In die geval van rooi klippe, word die dieper toon deur rooi glas verskaf, die ligter deur blokkies van verskillende kleure wat in rooi loodverf gedoop is. In die geval van groen klippe het blaargroen en blougroen glas die twee kleure benodig. Die waarneming van hierdie segment van die mosaïek maak dit moontlik om die volgorde waarin die werk uitgevoer is, te bepaal. Die figuur van die Maagd en die Kind is eers gemaak. Tweedens het die skepper van die mosaïek die blou buitelyn van die voetbank gemaak, waarvan die tesserae ooreenstem met die onderste lyn van die maagdelike stola. Derdens grens hy aan die boonste en onderste buitelyne van die voorkant van die voetbank met vier horisontale rye goue blokkies. Next, he set the stones and pearls, working from right to left and from bottom to top: note that the mount of the central diamond-shaped stone is, for lack of room, amputated at the top, as are also the two one on each side of it.

An irregular area of gold ground surrounding the Virgin and Child was set in the same bed of plaster as the figure. The limits of this area are indicated by a suture which is, for the most part, easily discernible. Anticipating our detailed observations on this suture, we may proceed to describe the probable sequence in which the mosaics of the semi dome were made. In the first place, the entire semi dome, roughly by the tops of the windows, was covered with a preliminary coating of plaster containing an appreciable proportion of chopped straw. Upon this first coating was laid a second thickness of plaster corresponding to the area intended for the figural composition and allowing sufficient room all round it. The setting bed of finer plaster was then applied, probably in smaller sections, although the boundaries between them cannot be traced. As usual, the artist proceeded to paint upon the setting-bed the subject of his composition, and in so doing he coloured yellow the background forming the immediate surround of the figure. The figural mosaic was then made, starting at the top and working downward. The composition turned out to be somewhat taller than originally envisaged, with the result that its lower extremity came to the very edge of the bed of plaster that had been laid and, incidentally, rather too close to the top of the central window. It may be observed that the rear right post of the throne came so close to the edge of the plaster that its corner had to be rounded off. Possibly, additional patches of plaster had to be added to accommodate parts of the composition, and this may explain some of the irregularities we have observed, e.g., the change in the material used for the outline at the lower extremity of the left-hand post of the throne. A trim of gold tesserae, two to four rows wide, was then made round the entire composition, after which the mosaic creator proceeded to cover with gold as much of the plaster bed as had been laid. He knew that the gold cubes had to be set on concentric curves, but he did not take the trouble of marking out exact setting-lines, with the result that he sometimes misjudged the direction of the lines and had to correct himself by inserting wedge-shaped patches of gold mosaic. After this process had been completed, the remainder of the conch was covered with a second, and then a third layer of plaster. This time the craftsman took a centre point immediately above the Virgin's head and probably using a long cord attached to a pin, marked out a number of concentric semicircles. A small area of loss to the south of the composition and more or less level with the Child's head has enabled us to ascertain that these guide-lines were indicated in red paint upon the second coat of plaster. The over-all, gold background was laid with the help of these guide-lines, but with the inevitable result that the rows of tesserae did not exactly line up with those in the gold ground belonging to the immediate surround of the figure.
The average size of the cubes used in the background is 5 to 6 mm², and there are roughly 225 of them per 10 cm². Mixed with the gold is an appreciable proportion of silver tesserae. This admixture is least in the immediate surround of the figure and more considerable in the over-all back- ground, but there is no consistency about the proportion of silver, which in places is as much as 10%, in others almost nil. In addition to the silver, there is also a sprinkling of red glass cubes in the over-all background, a peculiarity we have also observed in the mosaic of St. Ignatius Theophoros in the north tympanum. The underpainting on the setting-bed of the over-all gold background (as distinct from that of the gold surround of the figure) is red.

The face of the apse semi dome was occupied by an inscription commemorating the restoration of religious images after the defeat of Iconoclasm. The full text, preserved in the Palatine Anthology was as follows: The images which the impostors had cast down here pious emperors have again set up. Today, only the very beginning and end of the inscription remain. The same letters were uncovered by the Fossati brothers in 1847 - 49, whose record of them is, however, rather confused. The identification of the preserved fragments with the distich in the Anthology is due to Antoniades. The inscription was written in capital letters 0.40 m high on a gold band 0.54 to 0.57 m wide. The letters are in dark blue glass. The background is gold with a small admixture of silver, set in widely spaced rows of angled tesserae, as was often done on vertical surfaces. The setting-bed under the gold was painted yellow.

Sumptuous garland borders were placed on either side of the commemorative inscription (i.e., one running round the soffit of the bema arch along its eastern edge, the other convex and folded over the rim of the apse semi-dome), along the base of the apse semi-dome, and under both archangels at the springing of the bema arch: roughly seventy running meters in all, of which about forty-four are preserved, either entirely or in part. Furthermore, a similar garland border at a somewhat smaller scale, and again convex, folds round the interior edges of the five windows of the apse, totaling about thirty-one running meters.
The garland borders are delimited by a double outline normally consisting of three rows (two round the windows) of terracotta tesserae or marble tesserae dipped in burnt umber paint, and of two rows of white marble tesserae. Within this outline the background is gold with an admixture of silver cubes. The garland itself consists of a dark blue sheaf bordered on either side with a row of green bay leaves. The leaves are inclined in the direction in which the garland is proceeding, and the tips of the leaves are, here and there, bent over backwards. Round the blue sheaf is twined spirally a silver (occasionally white marble) ivy vine. Attached to this vine, in addition to normal spade-shaped leaves, are five-petal flowers, clusters of berries, and pears, all usually in silver. The space between each turn of the vine is filled with a variety of vegetal motifs, to wit, curving stems bearing pomegranates, pears, and circular flowers on short straight stems. The pears and flowers are usually arranged in rows of three. In the intervening spaces are sprinkled circular berries, either red or gold.
Wherever the garland has to turn at a right angle, it is contained in a kind of L -shaped tube which gives the appearance of being made of silver. The rotundity of this tube is indicated by parallel bands of colours, usually white limestone or marble in the middle, shading off on either side first to silver, then to turquoise, then to dark blue. The ends of the tube are folded over, and there is a two-tone red ribbon twined round the tube. If we conceive the garlands as proceeding out of these corner tubes, there is a centre point at which two converging garlands meet. This point is occupied by a star-shaped flower, such as the one directly under the south archangel. Another, incompletely preserved, flower remains at the apex of the bema arch. The flower under the archangel has a centre of turquoise glass, four trefoil petals in red glass and terracotta, and four pointed gold petals. A similar flower occupies the apex of each of the five windows of the apse.
The window borders are of similar design, except that the horizontal band at the base of the windows, being only about 0.25 m wide, has the sheaf without the green leaves. In windows 2 and 3 it is clearly seen that the vertical bands of border were made first and the horizontal band next on a separate bed of plaster, with a straight joint on either side.
Given the considerable length of the garland borders, it is only natural that we should encounter in them some differences of detail. The most carefully executed stretch is at the base of the apse semi-dome, between windows 1 and 3. The length of border between window No. 1 and the face of the apse is of somewhat looser construction: the round flowers and pears (which here have long stems) are not lined up, as elsewhere, in neat vertical rows, and there are no pomegranates. In spite of such inconsistencies, there is an undeniable uniformity both of technique and materials in all of the garland borders. Especially noticeable is the extensive use throughout the garlands and always in the same contexts of painted tesserae. In addition to the red and white outline, these occur in the ribbons that are looped round the corner tubes, in the pears, the pomegranates, the stems and in the small round berries. The latter appear to have been further touched up with red lead paint, as is also the case with the feet of the south archangel.

This text is from The Apse Mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul. Report on Work Carried out in 1964 Author(s): Cyril Mango and Ernest J. W. Hawkins
Author(s): Cyril Mango and Ernest J. W. Hawkins

&diams Bosphorus Strait - A natural strait that connects the Black Sea with the Sea of Marmara and separates Europe from Asia
&diams Beylerbeyi Palace - one of the most magnificent Ottoman coastal palaces built in 1865
&diams Dolmabahce Palace Museum - The 19th century glamorous palace of Ottoman Sultans
&diams Hagia Sophia of Istanbul - The Church of Holy Wisdom built in 535 by Emperor Justinian
&diams Hippodrome (Atmeydani) - The stadium of ancient Byzantium, which once could hold 100.000 spectators
&diams Topkapi Palace Museum - The former seating residence of Ottoman Sultans built between 1459 & 1465


It did not take long for the construction of a railway tunnel under Istanbul’s Bosphorus strait in 2005 to hit a snag. A fourth-century Byzantine harbour, and amphorae and skulls dating back to 6,000 BCE, were unearthed. In his usual rhetoric, Turkey’s president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan later denounced the archaeological discovery as çanak çömlek (pots and pans) delaying his global ambitions for the city. The western media scoffed at his disregard for cultural heritage. Istanbulites waited in standstill traffic on the Bosphorus bridges.

When the past and present exist as materially and simultaneously as they do in Istanbul, they are declared to be embodied in or represented by physical places, objects or people. Even though none of these things manage to carry such symbolic weight with any coherence, the associations need only be made long enough to weaponise them for politics. Istanbul’s Hagia Sophia, an Eastern Orthodox church turned Ottoman mosque turned museum, has been weaponised according to the politics of the day for as long as it has stood, and it has stood since 537 CE. Built by Justinian I and turned into a mosque by Sultan Mehmed II in 1453, the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire saw modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk turn Hagia Sophia into a museum in 1934. On 2 July 2020, Turkish courts ruled that this decree had been unlawful. Erdoğan took the opportunity to jubilantly declare preparations were under way for it to reopen as a mosque on 24 July.

The impending or actual destruction of culture anywhere should, and does, evoke visceral responses. But in the case of Hagia Sophia, coverage seems to have confused the weaponisation of culture with the destruction of culture. If you reduce history to the ‘clash of civilisations’ narrative (namely between Christianity and Islam, as if either are homogenous), you see the world as a balance sheet of victories and defeats in which the side you are on is that of ‘progress’. The president of Turkey, as others do too in the UK, partakes of such views. It is superficial, if not unsurprising, that a global news media that deals in easily digestible dichotomies has approached Hagia Sophia through this lens.

Expressions of lament and loss have dominated US and UK media coverage in particular, with commentators framing the court ruling as a ‘regression’. The viewpoint underlying many of these reactions, however, is something decidedly nie being discussed: the uncritical assumption that ‘progress’ was made when the sacred was turned into the secular. That for a historic place to no longer be a museum is to go ‘backward’, presumably because museums (humanistic and progressive spaces) are to be preferred to places of worship (ideological and partisan spaces).

The ongoing debates around the decolonisation of museums have repeatedly tried to illustrate how the positioning of museums and statues as neutral pedagogical tools is part and parcel of the mechanisms of power. Museums as objective caretakers of what is often vaguely termed our ‘human heritage’ is a narrative long utilised to minimise the actual political and military force that brought objects into their halls. Our cultural spaces are not outside but a part of the political regimes we live in. In other words, they implicitly instruct us that the world consists of others, who are incapable of safeguarding cultural wealth, and us, who have ‘progressed’ towards doing so.

The transformation of Hagia Sophia into a museum by decree in 1934 was a pedagogical move, too. At the time, many of Atatürk’s tenets – secularisation, westernisation, Turkish nationalism – were alien to the ethno-religiously diverse region. The break from the past had to be given physical form to help consolidate the new nation. This is not to accept as legitimate Erdogan’s equally political motivations for pushing through a re-conversion. It is to recognise that Hagia Sophia the museum was as ideological as Hagia Sophia the mosque and the church.

An opportunity is being missed here to disentangle what a progressive position is from a Eurocentric one. Can this moment be one where we instead question the right of leaders, past and present, to instrumentalize sacred spaces for nation-consolidation? Can we not conceive of a demand for a multi-faith place of worship, which would give us Istanbulites, especially our oppressed religious minorities, the right to experience the heart of our city – not by paying a museum entrance fee, but as a living thing? However unlikely this may seem in the current political climate, it is the kind of radically different future we need to keep insisting on – even and especially when false dichotomies are put to us.

Sarah Jilani is a writer on art and culture – her work has appeared in Die ekonoom en die Times Literary Supplement. She is a doctoral candidate in postcolonial literatures at the University of Cambridge.


Hagia Eirene in Konstantinopel

Hagia Eirene, begin met 532, herbou na 'n aardbewing in 740, Konstantinopel (Istanbul) (foto: Gryffindor, CC0)

Die keiser Justinianus het in die sesde eeu die kerk van Hagia Eirene in Konstantinopel (Istanbul) gebou, maar die koepel van die kerk is nie goed ondersteun nie, en die gebou is erg beskadig deur 'n aardbewing in 740. Keiser Konstantyn V, wat van 741–775 geheers het , herbou Hagia Eirene in die middel tot laat 750's.

Konstantyn V - wat as ikonoklast teenoor beeldende voorstellings van Christus en die heiliges gekant was - word toegeskryf aan die versiering van die apsis van die kerk met 'n kruis, wat die ikonokaste aanvaarbaar gevind het. Die kruismosaïek maak liberale gebruik van duur materiaal, soos goud en silwer. Die bekwame kunstenaars wat die mosaïek gemaak het, het die arms van die kruis afwaarts gebuig om te kompenseer vir die kromme van die koepel sodat die dwarsarm reguit sou verskyn vir kykers wat op die vloer van die kerk staan.

Apsemosaïek met kruis, Hagia Eirene, herbou na 740, Konstantinopel (Istanbul) (foto: byzantoloog, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Alhoewel die ikonoklaste teen sekere soorte godsdienstige beelde gekant was, het hulle kuns nie heeltemal verwerp nie en was dit soms belangrike beskermers van kuns en argitektuur, net soos Konstantyn V. - die keiserlike paleis en ander ruimtes uitgebrei en weelderig versier.


Byzantine and Medieval Art: Teaching Christianity

In the century before Christ, Rome displaced the dominance of Seleucid and Ptolemaic Greek empires. Yet Roman culture was largely shaped by Greek influence. For example, Roman art absorbed and emulated Hellenistic models. Indeed, we know many Greek pieces as Roman copies. Scholars still debate whether Laocoön is a Greek original or a Roman copy.[7]

And then came Christianity. Unlike Judaism, Christianity affirms a physical, incarnate God. It reinterpreted the Jewish abhorrence of idolatry to permit images of the Christ. Early Christian art reflected the ethos of small churches that met in private homes and tended to the needs of humble people, especially women and slaves. The Savior was inscribed as a humble shepherd into the walls and ceilings of burial catacombs outside Rome.

Christ as the Good Shepherd . (3rd C). Fresco. Catacomb of Priscilla Christ as the Good Shepherd. (3rd Century). Catacomb of Domitilla. Fresco.

In the early 4th Century, however, an alliance between the Roman Emperor Constantine changed the world, the church, and Western art. Imperial bishops demanded that all aspects of life, including art, focus on Christian themes. Constantinople, the new imperial capital, honored emperors, Christ, and the Virgin mother in a Byzantine style. In the 6th Century, the Emperor Justinian rebuilt the Cathedral of Constantinople, the seat of imperial church authority. Hagia Sophia (The church of Holy Wisdom) was one of the grandest buildings on earth with the largest dome. It testified to God’s grandeur, but probably more to the power of the Empire that now equated its interests with Christ’s.

Hagia Sophia . 6th C. Constantinople (Istanbul, Turkey) Christ Pantocrator . Mosaic, Hagia Sophia. Virgin and Child . Mary as Queen of Heaven. Mosaic, Hagia Sophia.

The interior of Hagia Sophia was ricly decorated with Mosaics :

The mosaics of Hagia Sophia would set the standard for centuries of Byzantine Art throughout the Christianized Empire and Medieval Europe. In a sharp departure from the Classical Greek and Roman Aesthetic , Byzantine artists were constrained by church and empire to focus solely on instructing the faithful in theology and worship. To use a concept from last week, the Byzantine enterprise was a strong example of Didactic Art . An Icon , an image of Christ, the Virgin Mary, or a saint, schooled often believers in the faith and focused their worship of the Lord and their veneration of saints. [8] But Christian faithfulness had also come to mean fidelity to the Empire that had fused with the Church. You can see this fusion in Byzantine images, in which Christ the humble shepherd becomes Christ the emperor, robed in purple, the emperor’s color. Mary becomes Queen of Heaven, her divine child on her lap. As we saw last week, the “Madonna” image was repeated in monumental churches from Asia Minor to the Britain [9].

[8] With little time to explicate the complex issue of veneration of saints, let’s try to summarize it briefly. The Church always condemned worship directed toward anyone but God. However, it encouraged believers to venerate saints who had earned special favor through martyrdom of holy living. Ikone (holy images) of the saints and relics from their lives—bones, clothing, possessions—were used for intercessory prayer. The supplicant brought a request to the saint who resided in favor with God in the hope that God would be more likely to grant requests presented by favored saints. Art was deeply involved in these rituals.
[9] The Virgin Mary began to be venerated as the Queen of Heaven as early as the 3rd Century. This designation became a major focus in Medieval Christianity.

Didactic Art generally loses interest in Mimesis and adopts a fixed style. The Stylized art of Bisantynse images display little depth. The figures are abstractions with little individuality. They do not move, display little emotion and are not placed in any particular time or place. The image transcends time, including figures from different eras of Christian history. As we saw in Egyptian art, this timeless constancy affirms eternal authority, in this case that of God and the Queen of Heaven.

Between the 5th and 7th centuries, Imperial rule in the West—basically, Europe—collapsed in waves of migration from Germanic peoples. Warrior tribal chieftains assumed control of local lands and adopted the titles of the old Empire. But they had little interest in the Classical tradition of learning and art. They converted to Christianity and delegated to monks and bishops the tasks of administration, law, and learning. As knowledge of Greek dissipated, all but a tiny portion of Greek learning was lost to the West for roughly 1,000 years. Church scholars monopolized Latin learning and the churches monopolized art. Anonymous a rtists designed and decorated churches, created altar pieces for worship, and illustrated Bibles and prayer books.

Ezra the scribe . (7th Century). Book illustration. Saints Peter, Hermagoras, Fortunatu s. (c. 1180). Fresco. Cimabue. (c. 1290). Madonna and Child with Saint John the Baptist and Saint Peter. Tempera on panel.

For centuries, European artists worked for the church and channeled the standard conventions of Byzantine icons. The image of St. Peter and two later saints affirms the passing of divine authority from generation to generation. As in Byzantine art, it lacks depth of field, mimetic modeling, time, and place. In Medieval Europe, art was almost completely monopolized by the church. Cimabue’s depiction of the Holy Mother and Child was composed in the early the 13th century. Cimabue is working in tempera on wood, not mosaics, but we see that Byzantine style nearly unchanged after a thousand years: flat, expressionless, timeless, and wholly theological. By the 14th Century, European art had strayed very far from its roots in Classical Greece. Dit was op die punt om te verander.

Verwysings

Christ as the Good Shepherd [Fresco]. (3rd Century). Catacomb of Domitilla. Fresco. Rome, Italië. Wikipedia https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Good_Shepherd_04.jpg.

Christ as the Good Shepherd. [Fresco]. (3rd century). Good Shepherd Cubiculum of the Donna Velata, Rome, Italy: Catacomb of Priscilla. ARTstor https://library-artstor-org.ezproxy.bethel.edu/asset/SCALA_ARCHIVES_10310196962 .

Ezra the scribe. [Illustration] (692). Folio 5r from the Codex Amiatinus. Florence, Italy: Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Amiatinus. Wikimedia https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:CodxAmiatinusFolio5rEzra.jpg.

Mosaic (2008). [Article]. In Darvill, T. (Ed.). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Archaeology. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 8 Dec. 2019, from https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780199534043.001.0001/acref-9780199534043-e-2628.

wall or floor decorations made up of many cubes of clay, stone, or glass blocks (tesserae) of different colors. Mosaics may be either meetkundige, composed of linear patterns or motifs, or figured, with representations of deities, mythological characters, animals, and recognizable objects. Extremely popular in the Greco‐Roman world and Byzantine art (Mosaic).

a style of Christian art developed in the Eastern Roman Empire after the 4th Century to represent Jesus and saints, usually the Virgin Mary, as icons to focus worship and prayer. An “orthodox dogma, serious, other-worldly, conservative style … charged with theological meaning” (Byzantine Art).

in the Euro-American tradition, a reference to the works, styles, and themes of Greek and Roman antiquity. More generally, an aesthetic valuing clarity, order, balance, unity, symmetry, and dignity, usually honoring a cultural tradition associated with some golden age of the past.

a particular set of values regarding art, taste, and the subjective experience of beauty, ugliness, the sublime, etc. A culture, a school of artists, an individual artist, or an audience can be said to have an aesthetic

art styled in the manner of Byzantine icons: depictions of Christ, the Virgin Mary, or saints in an abstract manner—flat, timeless, emotionless, placeless. Often composed in mosaic, fresco, or paint on panel.

art that is instructive, designed to impart information, advice, or some doctrine of morality or philosophy. The dominant focus of most ancient and Medieval art (didactic).

devotional image of Jesus or the saints from the Byzantine or Orthodox tradition intended to focus worship and prayer with an evocation of “the presence of the saint or mystery” (Icon).

a function of art in which technique imitates nature as closely as possible. Often contrasted with gestileer techniques.

figurative visual representation seeking to typify its referent through simplification, exaggeration, or idealization rather than to represent unique characteristics through naturalism (Stylization).


The doctrine of the Virgin Mary and holy Wisdom

The dogma of the Virgin Mary as both the “mother of God” and the “bearer of God” is connected in the closest way with the dogma of the incarnation of the divine Logos. The theoretical formation of doctrine did not bring the veneration of the mother of God along in its train. Instead, the doctrine only reflected the unusually great role that this veneration already had taken on at an early date in the liturgy and in the church piety of orthodox faithful.

The expansion of the veneration of the Virgin Mary as the bearer of God ( Theotokos) and the formation of the corresponding dogma constitute one of the most-astonishing occurrences in the history of the early church. The New Testament offers only scanty points of departure for that development. Although she has a prominent place in the narratives of the Nativity and the Passion of Christ, Mary completely recedes behind the figure of Jesus, who stands in the centre of all four Gospels. From the Gospels themselves it can be recognized that Jesus’ development into the preacher of the Kingdom of God took place in sharp opposition to his family, who were so little convinced of his mission that they held him to be insane (Mark 3:21) in a later passage Jesus refuses to recognize them (Mark 3:31). Accordingly, all the Gospels stress the fact that Jesus separated himself from his family. Even the Gospel According to John still preserved traces of Jesus’ tense relationship with his mother. Mary appears twice without being called by name the mother of Jesus, and Jesus himself regularly withholds from her the designation of mother.

Nevertheless, with the conception of Jesus Christ as the Son of God, a tendency developed early in the church to grant to the mother of the Son of God a special place within the church. That development was sketched quite hesitantly in the New Testament. Only the Gospels of Matthew and Luke mention the virgin birth. On those scanty presuppositions the later veneration of the mother of God was developed. The view of the virgin birth entered into the Apostle’s Creed and became one of the strongest religious impulses in the development of the dogma, liturgy, and ecclesiastical piety of the early church.

Veneration of the mother of God received its impetus when the Christian Church became the imperial church. Despite the lack of detail concerning Mary in the Gospels, cultic veneration of the divine virgin and mother found within the Christian Church a new possibility of expression in the worship of Mary as the virgin mother of God, in whom was achieved the mysterious union of the divine Logos with human nature. The spontaneous impulse of popular piety, which pushed in this direction, moved far in advance of the practice and doctrine of the church. In Egypt Mary was, at an early point, already worshipped under the title of Theotokos—an expression that Origen used in the 3rd century. The Council of Ephesus (431) raised that designation to a dogmatic standard. To the latter the second Council of Constantinople (553) added the title “eternal Virgin.”

The doctrine of the heavenly Wisdom (Sophia) represents an Eastern Church particularity. In late Judaism, speculations about the heavenly Wisdom—a figure beside God that presents itself to humanity as mediator in the work of creation as well as mediator of the knowledge of God—abounded. In Roman Catholic doctrine, Mary, the mother of God, was identified with the figure of the divine Wisdom. That process of treating Mary and the heavenly Wisdom alike did not take place in the realm of Eastern Orthodoxy or of Oriental Orthodoxy. For all their veneration of the mother of God, those churches never forgot that the root of that veneration lay in the incarnation of the divine Logos that took place through her. Within Eastern Orthodox theology a specific doctrine of the heavenly Wisdom, Sophianism, may be found alongside the doctrine of the mother of God. The numerous great churches of Hagia Sophia, foremost among them the cathedral by that name in Constantinople (Istanbul), are consecrated to that figure of the heavenly Wisdom.


Respond to this Question

Probability

Sophia is vacationing in Monte Carlo. On any given night, she takes X dollars to the casino and returns with Y dollars. The random variable X has the PDF shown in the figure. Conditional on X=x , the continuous random variable Y

Engels

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Area of polygons - math

The sixth-grade art students are making a mosaic using tiles in the shape of right triangles. Each tile has leg measures of 3 centimeters and 5 centimeters. If there are 200 tiles in the mosaic, what is the area of the mosaic? Hoe

Students in a sixth-grade art class are making a mosaic using tiles in the shape of right triangles. The two sides of each tile that meet to form a right angle are 3 centimeters long and 5 centimeters long. If there are 200 tiles

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Fisika

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Wereld geskiedenis

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Suppose that the demand function for a consumer item is given by q = D(p) = 411 - 3p where p is the price in dollars for one item and q is the number of units. If the marginal revenue is 5 dollars per each item that's made and

Wereld geskiedenis

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Statistics

A production process produces an item, On average, 13% of all items produced are defective. Each item is inspected before being shipped, and the inspector misclassifies an item 12% of the time. What proportion of the items will be


Hagia Sophia

The Church of Divine Wisdom – Hagia Sophia – has a place among the greatest architectural masterpieces of the world. Through the ages the church has undergone many changes and alterations, but nothing can ruin the awe and magic that visitors feel.

The church was inaugurated in 537 under the Emperor Justinian. In the Frankish period, Hagia Sophia was converted into a Roman Catholic Church. After 1453 it served as mosque, eventually being turned into a museum in 1935. The buttresses, that were added to support the massive building, have altered the outer shape partially, as have the added minarets and mausoleums.

In order to replace the two older, wooden basilicas, which had burned down one after the other near the palace and the Hippodrome, Justinian decided to build a bigger and grander church on the site. The emperor assigned the construction of the church to the architects Anthemius and Isidore, who for the first time added a large dome to the square basilica plan. The weight of the dome is distributed through the pendentives to four massive pillars. Between them four large arches are formed, above which the dome appears to float.

The central space is flanked both on the north and south sides by aisles with a double narthex to the west. The outer surface of the brick walls were not plastered with mortar, but lined with slabs of white marble. The Patriarchal Palace was located in the southwestern corner of Hagia Sophia and was a long, two-story, domed hall that today lies in ruins.

The historian of the Justinian era, Procopius, in his book Buildings of Justinian, describes in detail the construction of the church. It is known from the sources that the first dome collapsed in 558 after an earthquake. The new dome’s diameter of 31 meters and height of 55.6 meters, from floor level, was designed by Isidore the Younger, who was the nephew of the original architect.

Interior of Hagia Sophia as rendered by Gaspari Fossati in 1852. Lithograph by Louis Haghe, public domain.

The 100 windows of the church allow sunlight to illuminate the entire space brightly. The interior walls are covered with colorful marbles and columns of green or red marble bearing capitals of white marble. Historical evidence can provide us only a faint idea about the luxury of the lost decorations. The altar was decorated with gold and semiprecious stones and topped with a silver ciborium. The iconostasis was made of marble slabs and silver columns, the pulpit from marble and ivory. The precious relics, kept in the sacristy, were innumerable. The interior decoration with gilded mosaics was so impressive that it inspired awe in the faithful. Travellers from Kiev, who visited the monument in 988, were so overwhelmed that they reported not knowing if they were in heaven or on earth.

Initially, in the Justinian era, the church was decorated with non-representational mosaics (crosses, geometric designs, acanthus), with the oldest surviving figurative mosaics dating to the period after the end of iconoclasm in 843.

Southwestern entrance mosaic of Hagia Sophia. The Virgin Mary is standing in the middle, holding the Child Christ on her lap. On her right side stands emperor Justinian I, offering a model of the Hagia Sophia. On her left, emperor Constantine I, presenting a model of the city. Publieke domein.

A wonderful example from the 10th century in the inner narthex shows the Virgin and Child enthroned, flanked by Constantine the Great and Justinian, who present her with models of the City and Hagia Sophia respectively. Another exquisite mosaic over the Royal Gate depicts Emperor Leo VI kneeling before the enthroned Christ.

The resurrection fresco in the Chora Church, public domain.

This unique combination of elegant Late Middle Byzantine architecture and painting is located on the sixth hill of Constantinople, outside the orginal walls of Constantine the Great and the location is probably why it was named Chora – meaning countryside.

The church, dedicated to Christ the Savior and the Virgin Mary, was founded in the 11th century by Maria Doukaina, mother-in-law of Emperor Alexios Komnenos, while in the 14th century, Theodore Metochites, a senior official of the state and a great scholar, built the outer narthex and the south chapel. Most importantly, the church is decorated with excellent mosaics and frescoes and preserved in the inner narthex one fresco shows Metochites offering a model of the church to Christ.

The monument is covered with six domes, two on the inner narthex, one in the chapel, one in the nave and two in the side arches of the sanctuary. The surviving representations of the main church and the chapel depict the childhood of Christ and his genealogy as well as scenes from the life of the Virgin Mary. Often the sources for the images are esoteric theological texts, very widespread in the Middle Ages. The mosaics exude lyricism and gentleness, reflecting the splendor of Constantinopolean art. The murals do not have intense shadings, but emphasize contrast with bright colors. The most impressive fresco is that of the resurrection with Jesus arrayed in white garments to retrieve Adam and Eve from Hades, symbolizing his gift of eternal life through sacrifice. Without exaggeration the monastery of Chora is, as has been written, “one of the most important and most beautiful galleries in the world.”

Pammakaristos Monastery

Pammakaristos Monastery Church, courtesy of Vladimir Menkov, CC.

The Pammakaristos monastic complex, which played an important role in the history of the City, was built in the 13th century, during the reign of Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologus. Here are buried the Emperor Alexios I Komnenos, his daughter Anna Komnene and many members of the Palaiologos dynasty. The monastery belongs to the type of one-room domed church and retains almost intact the marvelous façades, where bricks and stones alternate with ornate marble details. In the 14th century the southern burial chapel was added, which is dedicated to Christ and has mosaics of exquisite craftsmanship. After the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottomans the Pammakaristos Monastery served as the seat of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for about a century until its conversion into a mosque.

Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus

Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus, courtesy of Vladimir Menkov, CC.

This extremely ornate church was built in the 6th century at the beginning of the reign of Justinian and is by many considered to have been a model for the construction of Hagia Sophia a few years later. The Ottomans named it Küçük Ayasofya Camii, meaning “little Hagia Sophia.” It was located between two important buildings, which have since been destroyed: the palace of Hormisdas where Justinian lived with Theodora before being crowned emperor and the church of Saints Peter and Paul. The outside masonry consists of ordinary bricks and forms a plan of an irregular octagon within a rectangle. The large central dome, which consists of 16 sides with eight windows, rests on 8 wide arches supported by eight massive piers. The two-story ambulatory spaces between the piers is occupied by 28 marble columns. The alternation of green and red marble columns, the fine monograms of Justinian and Theodora on the column capitals and the carved Greek inscription running along the architrave with the names of the church founders make the monument probably the second most important church in Constantinople after Hagia Sophia.


Kyk die video: Inside Hagia Sophia (Augustus 2022).