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Senaat ondersoek Teamsters Union

Senaat ondersoek Teamsters Union



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Die regstreekse dekking van die verhoor van die gekose senaatskomitee van 1957 van die president van Teamster, Dave Beck, word verhit namate Beck die keer op keer die vyfde wysiging aanroep, wat die pogings van Robert Kennedy, die raadsheer van die komitee, ontstel.


Teamsters is daarop gemik om die pogings om werkers van Amazon te verenig, te verskerp

NEW YORK - The International Brotherhood of Teamsters, 'n vakbond wat 1,4 miljoen werkers verteenwoordig, mik op Amazon.

Donderdag stem dit oor die vraag of organisering van Amazon -werkers die belangrikste prioriteit moet wees. Die Teamsters beskuldig die naasgrootste private werkgewer van die land dat hulle werknemers uitgebuit het deur hulle lae lone te betaal, hulle te dwing om vinnig te werk en geen werksekerheid te bied nie.

'Daar is geen duideliker voorbeeld van hoe Amerika die werkersklas in die steek laat as Amazon nie,' lui die resolusie waaroor verteenwoordigers van 500 Teamsters plaaslike vakbonde Donderdag sal stem.

Die resolusie sal na verwagting goedgekeur word en sal die Teamsters in staat stel om pogings om Amazon -werkers te verenig en te ondersteun ten volle "te finansier en te ondersteun" en 'n afdeling te stig om hulle te help en "die standaarde in ons nywerhede te beskerm teen die eksistensiële bedreiging wat Amazon is." Dit wou nie sê hoeveel geld dit aan die pogings gaan spandeer nie.

Elke poging om Amazon te verenig, sal waarskynlik 'n opdraande stryd wees. Nie een was suksesvol in die 26-jarige geskiedenis van die onderneming nie, insluitend die mees onlangse in 'n pakhuis in Alabama, waar werkers oorweldigend gestem het om by 'n vakbond aan te sluit.

Maar die Teamsters het gesê dat dit 'n ander strategie sal probeer. Randy Korgan, die Teamsters se nasionale direkteur vir Amazon, het vroeër hierdie maand in Salon geskryf dat die vereniging van een fasiliteit op 'n slag nie werk nie, omdat ondernemings soos Amazon die geld en regsbronne het om hierdie pogings van binne af te bestry.

In plaas daarvan het Korgan geskryf dat die organisering van Amazon-werkers 'strydlustigheid op die winkelvloer' sal neem, soos stakings in pakhuise en in stadsstrate.

Amazon het Woensdag nie gereageer op 'n versoek om kommentaar nie.

Die aanlynwinkel het hard gekant teen pogings tot vakbond in die pakhuis in Bessemer, Alabama.

Amazon het aangevoer dat dit werkers minstens $ 15 per uur betaal het en reeds die voordele aangebied het wat vakbonde wil hê.

Volgens 'n werker wat tydens 'n verhoor in die Senaat getuig het, het dit anti-vakbondborde in die pakhuis gehang, insluitend badkamerstalletjies, en verpligte vergaderings gehou om werknemers te oortuig waarom die vakbond 'n slegte idee is.

Toe die stemme in April getel is, het byna 71% van die meer as 2500 geldige stemme wat getel is, 'n vakbond verwerp.

Die organisasie in Bessemer is gelei deur die New York-gebaseerde Retail, Wholesale en Department Store Union, wat 100,000 werkers verteenwoordig by pluimveeplante vir graan- en koeldrankbottelgeriewe en kleinhandelaars soos Macy's en H & ampM.

Die Teamsters is baie groter. Die vakbond bestaan ​​sedert die vroeë 1900's toe goedere met perdewaens afgelewer is.

Dit verteenwoordig nou 1,4 miljoen vragmotors, UPS -werknemers en ander soorte werkers, insluitend verpleegsters en pakhuiswerktuigkundiges.

'Hulle is 'n sterk, suksesvolle vakbond', het Alex Colvin, dekaan van die Cornell University School of Industrial and Labour Relations, gesê dat die Amazon -werkers die tipe lede weerspieël wat dit reeds verteenwoordig. 'Hulle is 'n formidabele teëstander vir Amazon.'

Die Teamsters is gerig op werkers in die vinnig groeiende afleweringsnetwerk van Amazon, soos bestuurders en pakhuiswerkers wat bestellings verpak en versend.

Die afgelope paar jaar het Amazon in Seattle gewerk om die meeste pakkette self te lewer en minder afhanklik van UPS, die Amerikaanse posdiens en ander diensverskaffers.

Dit het verskeie pakket-sorteerhubs op lughawens gebou, pakhuise geopen nader aan die winkel waar kopers woon en 'n program geloods waarmee kontrakteurs ondernemings kan begin om pakkette in bakkies met die Amazon-logo af te lewer.

In Januarie het hy 11 vliegtuie gekoop wat hy beplan om vinniger bestellings aan kopers af te lewer.

Die Teamsters het in sy resolusie gesê dat Amazon se afleweringsnetwerk binne 'n kort tyd 'n dominante krag in die logistieke bedryf geword het en dat die manier waarop dit werknemers behandel, die werkstandaarde wat dit by UPS en by ander pakkie-, vrag- en afleweringsondernemings stel, kan bedreig .

Plaaslike joernalistiek is noodsaaklik.

Gee direk aan The Spokesman-Review se Northwest Passages-gemeenskapsforums-reekse-wat help om die koste van verskeie verslaggewers- en redakteursposte by die koerant te vergoed-deur die eenvoudige opsies hieronder te gebruik. Geskenke wat in hierdie stelsel verwerk word, is nie aftrekbaar van belasting nie, maar word hoofsaaklik gebruik om te help om aan die plaaslike finansiële vereistes te voldoen wat nodig is om nasionale ooreenstemmingsgeld te ontvang.


Amerikaanse ervaring

Op 31 Januarie 1957 is die Senaat se gekose komitee oor onbehoorlike aktiwiteite op die arbeids- of bestuursgebied, beter bekend as die Rackets Committee, gebore. Die dryfveer was hoofadvokaat Robert Kennedy, wat die ondersoek en 'n reeks openbare verhore oor korrupsie in die vakbond gelei het. Terwyl die Rackets -ondersoeke meer hitte as lig opgewek het, het dit baie Amerikaners se oë oopgemaak vir die ontstellende verhouding tussen sommige arbeidsbase en die maffia.

Met vergunning: Getty Images

Kampioen van die "Little Guy"
Die vergeetlikste deel van die verhore was die epiese botsing tussen Kennedy en James R. Hoffa, leier van die kragtige Teamsters -unie. 'Hoffa was die ideale foelie vir Kennedy', sê historikus Ronald Steel, 'omdat hulle baie dieselfde was, hierdie snaakse ouens wat uit gesinne gekom het waar hulle voortdurend hulself moes bewys, wat hulself as kampioene van die outjie beskou het. " Teen die tyd dat die verhore geëindig het, het albei mans bekend geword, in sommige kringe gevier en in ander geminag.

Opkoms van 'n uniebaas
Jimmy Hoffa was een van die mees omstrede karakters in die geskiedenis van georganiseerde arbeid. Hy was president van die International Brotherhood of Teamsters van 1957 tot 1971. Hy was bekend in die hele vragmotorbedryf omdat hy goed ingelig was en 'n taai onderhandelaar, en speel 'n belangrike rol in die eerste nasionale vragvervoerooreenkoms. Onder sy leiding het die Teamsters die grootste vakbond in die Verenigde State geword, met 'n lidmaatskap van ongeveer 1,3 miljoen werkers.

Unie Man
Hoffa is in 1913 in Indiana gebore. Sy pa, 'n steenkoolmynster, is dood toe hy net sewe was, en 'n paar jaar later verhuis die gesin na Detroit. Toe hy op 14 -jarige ouderdom die skool verlaat, het Jimmy werk gekry as 'n voorraadboer en in pakhuise, en in die 1930's was hy aktief in vakbondorganisasies. Teen 1942 het hy president geword van die Michigan Conference of Teamsters. In 1952 word hy verkies tot internasionale vise -president, waarna Dave Beck in 1957 as internasionale president opgevolg word. Onder sy leiding het die Teamsters administrasie en bedinging in die internasionale kantoor gesentraliseer, wat die profiel van die president verhoog het.

Hank Walker/Time Life/Getty Images

Doel: krom arbeid
Hoffa se lang gerugte assosiasie met georganiseerde misdaadsyfers het hom op 'n botsingskursus met Robert Kennedy gesit. In 1955, toe die Demokrate weer beheer oor die Senaat herwin, is Kennedy aangestel as hoofadvokaat van die Senaat se permanente subkomitee vir ondersoeke. Omdat kommunistiese jag uit die guns was na die ontvlugting van senator Joseph McCarthy, het die komitee 'n nuwe doelwit nodig. Kennedy het dit gou gevind by krom arbeidsbase wat met kriminele organisasies sake doen.

Politieke versus morele oorwegings
Kennedy het geen tyd gemors nie, net na die grootste en rykste vakbond van die land, een wat die vragmotorbedryf oorheers het. "Die vakbond is 'opgeblaas', stilweg geïnfiltreer deur gangsters wat die Teamsters se pensioenfonds van $ 250 miljoen as 'n heuningpot beskou het," skryf Evan Thomas. Joseph Kennedy, bekommerd dat sy seun Bobby arbeidsleiers sou vervreem wie se ondersteuning John se seun sou nodig kry toe hy in 1960 as president verkies het, probeer hom keer. Maar Bobby was ontsteld oor die korrupsie wat sy ondersoek ontdek het, en wou nie terugstaan ​​nie. Hy het selfs sy broer oortuig om in die komitee te sit.

Botsende sienings
Nadat hy die president van Teamster, Dave Beck, weens diefstal en belastingontduiking afgedank het, het Bobby sy oë gerig op Hoffa, wat onlangs vrygespreek is op omkopery. Die twee mans het mekaar gehaat vandat hulle die eerste keer ontmoet het. Kennedy beskou Hoffa as 'absolute boosheid', oortuig daarvan dat hy vakbonddissidente geslaan het - en waarskynlik vermoor het, miljoene uit vakbondrekeninge gesteel en hulpelose werkgewers in die steek gelaat het. Hoffa was ewe seker van sy saak, en beskou homself as 'n vriend van die klein mannetjie, wat onregverdig vervolg word deur 'n bedorwe, boeiende ryk kind.

Bernard Spindel († 1972) fluister in die oor van James R. Hoffa (geb. 1913) na 'n hofsitting waarin hulle onskuldig gepleit het op onwettige afluisteraanklagte. PD.

Obsessie
Die spanning was tasbaar toe Kennedy Hoffa ondervra het voor groot skares en televisiekameras in die Senaat se koukuskamer. Die twee mans sluit oë en kyk mekaar eeue lank aan totdat Hoffa onheilspellend knipoog. Kennedy se obsessie strek verder as die gehoorkamer. Een aand het hy na middernag saam met assistent Pierre Salinger huis toe gery toe hulle die ligte in Hoffa se kantoor in Teamster se hoofkwartier aanskakel. Kennedy mompel: 'As hy nog aan die werk is, behoort ons dit te wees', draai die motor om en keer terug vir nog twee ure se werk. Toe Hoffa hierdie storie hoor, het hy natuurlik sy plesier laat brand toe hy die kantoor daarna verlaat. 'Ek was mal daaroor om die klein baster te pla,' onthou Hoffa.

Buite bereik
Alhoewel Kennedy geweet het dat Hoffa skeef was, was dit moeilik om bewyse te kry en die verhore het maande lank voortgeduur. Om sy kruistog te regverdig, het Kennedy die Teamsters en hul beheer oor die land se vervoernetwerk veroordeel. Maar sy "strooi metodes het baie meer nuus as beskuldigings opgelewer," sluit Thomas af.

Ineenstorting
Joe Kennedy se vrese vir politieke selfmoord was egter ongegrond. 'Aanval op Hoffa was 'n goeie politiek', het 'n amptenaar afgesluit met die United Auto Workers wat vriende was met die Kennedys. "Die AFL-CIO was in elk geval agter korrupte vakbonde aan en het Hoffa verdryf." En hoewel die Rackets -ondersoeke min strafregtelike vervolgings opgelewer het, het die meestal vleiende persdekking wel die Kennedy -profiel verhoog. Glansende tydskrifte soos Lewe ("Jong man met moeilike vrae"), Kyk ("Rise of the Brothers Kennedy") en die Satuday aandpos ("The Amazing Kennedys") het die magie van Kennedy begin ontdek.

Jurie -knoeiery, bedrog en sameswering
Hoffa het 'n reeks regeringsvervolgings oorleef tot 1967, toe hy die federale gevangenis in Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, binnegegaan het op 'n vonnis van dertien jaar weens knoeiery, bedrog en sameswering. Opmerklik is dat hy geweier het om uit die Teamsters te bedank en sy posisie tot 1971 behou het. President Richard Nixon het Hoffa se vonnis in Desember 1971 verklein en bepaal dat hy eers in 1980 tot vakbondaktiwiteite kon deelneem. agter die skerms betrokke by die Teamster -onderneming.

Vermoedelik dood
Op 30 Julie 1975 was Hoffa veronderstel om 'n paar bendes te ontmoet, waarvan een 'n amptenaar van die New Jersey Teamster geword het, in 'n restaurant in die voorstedelike Detroit. Albei ontken dat hulle ooit Hoffa gesien het, wat nooit weer gesien is nie. Hy is wettiglik "vermoedelik dood" in 1982 na 'n lang ondersoek. Sy seun, James P. Hoffa, dien sedert 1999 as president van Teamsters.


Vakbonde en rampokkery

Histories het elemente van georganiseerde kriminele groepe waarna verwys word as La Cosa Nostra (LCN) of die "Mafia" aansienlike korrupte invloed, en selfs in sommige gevalle, beheer oor vakbonde verkry deur 'n klimaat van vrees en intimidasie onder hul lede te skep deur dreigemente en gewelddade. Georganiseerde misdaad was beslis niks nuuts in Amerika nie. Die Italiaanse ingevoerde La Cosa Nostra wat letterlik vertaal is as 'hierdie ding van ons', het in 1890 onder die aandag van die land gekom toe die hoof van die New Orleans-polisiedepartement deur die Italiaanse en Siciliaanse immigrante doodgemaak is. In die dertigerjare het Charles 'Lucky' Luciano die hedendaagse La Cosa Nostra op die been gebring en die gesinsstruktuur (onder leiding van 'don' of 'base') en die regerende liggaam ('die kommissie') geskep en die hele operasie bestuur soos n besigheid.

Deur so 'n oorheersing kon hierdie kriminele groepe hul medewerkers in belangrike amptelike posisies by verskillende vakbonde en in ander posisies van invloed plaas en sodoende die vakbonde en die werkgewers wat met sulke vakbonde te doen gehad het, ontgin en onwettige opbrengste uit die werking van die vakbonde verkry. aangeleenthede en arbeidsbestuurverhoudinge.

Hoewel James R. (Jimmy) Hoffa, leier van Teamsters Union, nooit self 'n vragmotorbestuurder was nie, het hy vroeg in die 1930's as organiseerder in Detroit betrokke geraak. In 1946 word hy president van Teamsters Local 299 in Detroit, toe hoof van alle plaaslike inwoners van Michigan Teamsters, destyds vise-president van die nasionale Teamsters, en uiteindelik president van die nasionale Teamsters in 1957, 'n pos waarna hy in 1961 herkies is Terwyl Hoffa in die vakbond optree, het hy afsprake gemaak met georganiseerde misdaad om te voorkom dat misdadigers van georganiseerde misdaad stakings doen (baie industriële leiers gebruik dieselfde kriminele elemente om werkers wat probeer om by vakbonde aan te sluit en te staak) te onderdruk.

Die eerste woorde wat Jimmy Hoffa ooit met Frank "die Ier" Sheeran gepraat het, was: "Ek het gehoor jy skilder huise." Om 'n huis te verf is om 'n man dood te maak. Die verf is die bloed wat op die mure en vloere spat. In die loop van byna vyf jaar se opnames wat onderneem is, het Frank Sheeran aan Charles Brandt erken dat hy meer as vyf-en-twintig treffers vir die skare en vir sy vriend Hoffa hanteer het.

Terwyl Hoffa by die Teamsters betrokke was, het die organisasie 'n vinnige groei beleef. Hoffa het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die konsolidasie van verskillende plaaslike vakbondverenigings in streeksafdelings, en uiteindelik in 'n nasionale vakbond van meer as een miljoen lede, wat op sy hoogtepunt een van die magtigste vakbonde in die Verenigde State was. Deur die aggressiewe organiseringsmetodes wat Hoffa ontwikkel en aangemoedig het, het die Teamsters ook verskeie ander blouboordjies en professionele werkers in hul sak gebring wat nie in die vragmotorbedryf betrokke was nie, insluitend brandweermanne en ander munisipale werknemers, plaaswerkers, rolprent- en teaterwerkers, koerant, voedseldiens werknemers en ander.

Teen die middel van die vyftigerjare het misdadigers en hul makkers bewus geword van skuiwergate in die wette wat die gedrag van vakbonde beheer. Hulle het ten volle probeer om die geleenthede wat gebreke in die wet bied, ten volle te benut met die oog op beheer van die vakbonde en werkgewersverenigings. Sulke situasies het ontstellende afmetings aangeneem.

Die dringendheid van hierdie probleem is in 1957 getoon deur georganiseerde arbeid self toe die AFL-CIO genoodsaak gevoel het om streng etiese praktyke te aanvaar wat betrekking het op die vestiging van papierbewoners, die administrasie van welsynsfondse, die infiltrasie van rampokkers, fasciste en kommuniste en met respek. na belangebotsings.

Die Teamsters en hul metodes was omstrede en hul leiers word gereeld daarvan beskuldig dat hulle korrup is en kriminele bande het. Die Teamsters is in 1957 uit die nasionale koalisie van arbeidsorganisasies, die AFL-CIO, geskors weens kommer oor korrupsie en infiltrasie deur georganiseerde misdaad. Dit was die stukrag vir 'n senaatondersoek in die middel van die vyftigerjare deur die McClellan-komitee, wat gelei het tot die goedkeuring van die Landrum-Griffith-wet van 1959 en ander wetgewing wat ontwerp is om vakbondbedrywighede te reguleer.

Tydens sy ondersoeke na die verkryging van die regering, het die permanente subkomitee vir ondersoeke van die senaatskomitee oor staatsbedrywighede bewyse ontbloot dat afpersers die besigheid binnegedring het om uniforms aan die Amerikaanse regering te verskaf en dat sekere plaaslike vakbonde met die afpersers saamwerk. Die subkomitee het daarna agtergekom dat die verslae aan die federale agentskappe wat deur die International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen en Helpers of America ingedien is, nie akkuraat was nie. Voorsitter van die subkomitee, John L. McClellan van Arkansas, het geglo dat 'n volledige ondersoek na onbehoorlike aktiwiteite op die hele terrein van arbeid of bestuur nodig is.

Die Amerikaanse senaat. Geselekteerde komitee oor onbehoorlike aktiwiteite op die arbeids- of bestuursgebied was aktief van 30 Januarie 1957 tot 31 Maart 1960. Dit is gemagtig en gelas om ondersoek in te stel na die mate waarin kriminele of ander onbehoorlike praktyke of aktiwiteite is of was. , betrokke op die gebied van arbeidsbestuurverhoudinge of in groepe of organisasies van werknemers of werkgewers tot nadeel van die belange van die publiek, werkgewers of werknemers, en om te bepaal of daar veranderinge in die wette van die VSA nodig is om sodanige belange te beskerm teen die voorkoms van sulke praktyke of aktiwiteite.

Onder voorsitter John L. McClellan, saam met hoofraadslid Robert F. Kennedy, het dit 253 aktiewe ondersoeke gedoen, 8,000 dagvaardings vir getuies en dokumente bedien, 270 dae se verhore gehou met 1,526 getuies (waarvan 343 die vyfde wysiging aanhangig gemaak het), byna 150,000 saamgestel bladsye van getuienis en verskeie tussentydse verslae uitgereik. Op sy hoogtepunt in 1958 was 104 persone betrokke by die werk van die komitee, waaronder 34 wat op veldondersoeke ontplooi is en ongeveer 40 rekenmeesters en ondersoekers van die Staatsrekeningkantoor. Die ondersoeke van die komitee het 'n wye verskeidenheid vakbonde en korporasies in die Verenigde State beslaan, soos die International Brotherhood of Teamsters, die United Automobile Workers, Anheuser-Busch, Sears en Occidental Life Insurance.

Dit is nie duidelik waarom Bobby Kennedy die Teamster -unie en veral Jimmy Hoffa gehaat het nie. Die een ding wat duidelik is, is dat Jimmy Hoffa gehaat het die Kennedys het baie of meer as wat hulle hom gehaat het. Toe RFK die senaat oortuig om verhore oor arbeidstaking te hou, het dit 'n bitter vete tussen die twee ontketen. Hoffa beskou RFK as 'n ryk jong brak wat op sy (Hoffa) se koste naam wou maak. RFK het 'n kort humeur gehad en sy ywerige strewe na Hoffa as AG bevat baie twyfelagtige taktieke om "Hoffa te kry", soos een van sy spesiale spanne van die departement van justisie genoem is. Verskeie van hierdie taktieke sou later as ongrondwetlik beslis word (in gevalle wat nie met Hoffa verband hou nie) en toon dat Kennedy iemand is wat die grense van wettigheid wil verskuif om Hoffa skuldig te bevind.

Die president se kommissie vir georganiseerde misdaad (PCOC) het spesifiek tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die LCN dekades lank sekere groot vakbonde in die Verenigde State beheer en korrup beïnvloed het, waaronder "The International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), the Laborers International Union of North American ( LIUNA), die Hotel Union and Restaurant Staff International Union (HEREIU) en die International Longshoreman's Association (ILA). "

Vervolgingsaktiwiteite het in die hele land toegeneem, en 'n uitslag van groot juriebeskuldigings het tot gevolg gehad. Op wetgewende gebied is die invloed van die gekose komitee weerspieël in die inwerkingtreding van die Wet op Verslagdoening en Openbaarmaking van die Arbeidsbestuur (Openbare Reg 86-257) op 14 September 1959.

In ooreenstemming met die PCOC se aanbevelings, het die Departement van Justisie se afdeling vir georganiseerde misdaad en rampokkery, in samewerking met verskeie Amerikaanse prokureurskantore, 'n strategie ontwerp om strafregtelike vervolging en burgerlike RICO -regsgedinge te gebruik om sodanige korrupte invloed en/of beheer van bepaalde vakbonde uit te skakel. en hul geaffilieerde organisasies. Sedert 2010 het die Verenigde State verligting gekry in 24 burgerlike RICO -sake waarby werkgewersverenigings en vakbonde betrokke was, waaronder die IBT, LIUNA en die HEREIU.

Toe die Wet op die Verslaggewing en Openbaarmaking van Arbeidsbestuur (LMRDA) in 1959 uitgevaardig is, het die Kongres verklaar dat dit noodsaaklik is dat arbeidsorganisasies, werkgewers en hul amptenare voldoen aan die hoogste standaarde van verantwoordelikheid en etiese optrede by die bestuur van die sake van hul organisasies, veral omdat dit arbeidsverhoudingsverhoudinge beïnvloed. Boonop bevorder die LMRDA deursigtigheid deur verslagdoenings- en openbaarmakingsvereistes vir vakbonde en hul amptenare, werkgewers, arbeidsverhoudinge -konsultante en borgmaatskappye. Die Office of Labor-Management Standards (OLMS) gaan voort met hierdie missie deur kriminele en siviele handhawing van die LMRDA.

OLMS administreer ook bepalings van die Wet op Hervorming van die Staatsdiens van 1978 en die Wet op Buitelandse Diens van 1980, wat vergelykbare beskerming tot federale vakbonde uitbrei. Boonop beheer die OLMS -afdeling van statutêre programme die verantwoordelikhede van die departement ingevolge die Federale Transitwet deur te verseker dat billike en billike reëlings vir die beskerming van massavervoer -werknemers in plek is voor die vrystelling van federale transito -toelae.

OLMS is die voorste agentskap wat verantwoordelik is vir die handhawing van die LMRDA deur middel van kriminele en siviele ondersoeke. Kriminele ondersoeke sluit in verduistering, ontneming van regte deur geweld, afpersing, afsetlike versuim om verslae in te dien, valse verslae in te dien, verbode vakbondkantoor of diens van veroordeelde persone en bedrog wat verband hou met vakbondverkiesings. Siviele ondersoeke sluit in oortredings van die LMRDA wat vakbondverkiesingsprosedures, finansiële openbaarmakingsvereistes en trusteeskapstandaarde insluit. OLMS doen oudits van vakbondfinansies, administreer 'n omvattende nakomingshulpprogram en bied inligting en tegniese ondersteuning aan vakbondbeamptes en lede om die doelwitte van finansiële integriteit, vakbonddemokrasie en deursigtigheid te bevorder.

Vanaf 1975, byvoorbeeld, het 'n FBI-saak met die naam 'Unirac' (vir vakbondstryding) die skare se breë wurggreep in die skeepvaartbedryf verbreek, wat tot meer as 100 skuldigbevindings gelei het. In 'n tweeledige operasie wat in 1978 begin is, het die FBI 'n groot slag getref teen die leierskap van georganiseerde misdaad in Cleveland, Milwaukee, Chicago, Kansas City en Las Vegas deur 'n ondersoek wat die korrupte invloed van die skare in Las Vegas en in die Teamsters Unie. En in die tagtigerjare het die baanbrekende 'Kommissie' -saak tot die skuldigbevindings gelei van die hoofde van die vyf Mafia -gesinne in New York, Bonnano, Colombo, Gambino, Genovese en Lucchese.

'N Kriminele vervolging in die Noordelike Distrik van Illinois in 1964 speel 'n belangrike rol in die beëindiging van die omstrede loopbaan van die bekende Teamster -leier Jimmy Hoffa. Die jurie het beskuldigdes skuldig bevind op agt van die 28 aanklagte van pos- en draadbedrog. Regter Richard B. Austin het Hoffa tot vyf jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis op elke aanklag om agtereenvolgens te hardloop na die afsluiting van 'n vonnis van agt jaar as gevolg van 'n vroeëre skuldigbevinding op 'n aanklag van jurie -knoeiery in Nashville, Tennessee. Die Sewende Kring bevestig die skuldigbevinding. In reaksie op die verweerders se versoeke om certiorari by die Hooggeregshof, erken die regering egter dat die FBI ongemagtigde afluistering op sekere van die verweerders se gesprekke gevoer het. Die hooggeregshof het die saak weer vir verdere verhore oor hierdie kwessie aangehou, maar by uitstel is vasgestel dat geen bewyse wat in die skuldigbevindings gebruik is, verkry is deur die ongemagtigde afluistering nie.

Hoffa is uiteindelik in 1967 in die tronk en het daar gebly tot Desember 1971, toe president Nixon sy vonnis omskep het tot uitgediende tyd. 'N Voorwaarde vir die omskakeling was dat Hoffa eers in 1980 aan vakbondaktiwiteite kon deelneem. Na sy vrylating het Hoffa egter uitgebreide pogings aangewend om hierdie toestand ongeldig te maak, sodat hy weer sy beheer oor die Teamsters kon herstel. Hoffa kom uit die gevangenis en spreek uit oor Fitzsimmons, The Teamsters en georganiseerde misdaad en dink daar is geen gevolge nie.

In Julie 1975, voordat hy hierdie doel kon bereik, het Hoffa egter eenvoudig verdwyn. Hy is laas op die parkeerterrein van 'n voorstad in Detroit gesien, en sy lot en plek is nog nooit bepaal nie, ondanks uitgebreide ondersoeke deur die FBI, plaaslike wetstoepassers en private partye.

Hoffa is vermoor om te verhoed dat hy die leiding van die Teamsters weer oorneem. Sedert sy verdwyning was die Jimmy Hoffa -sage die onderwerp van films, boeke en talle koerante en tydskrifartikels. In 2016 het die skrywer Charles Brandt berig dat die legendariese misdaadbaas Russell Bufalino beveel het dat Frank Sheeran Hoffa moet vermoor. Sheeran het die daad gedoen, wetende dat as hy sou weier, hy self doodgemaak sou word.


Kleindienst en Fitzsimmons gekoppel aan Teamster -navraag

WASHINGTON, 27 April - Frank E. Fitzsimmons, president van die International Brotherhood of Teamsters, en Richard G. Kleindienst, die voormalige prokureur -generaal, is sleutelfigure in 'n kriminele ondersoek wat aan die gang is as deel van 'n landwye poging van die departement van justisie om skoon te maak korrupsie in die spanvereniging.

Beide mans is vroeg in die jaar voor 'n federale jurie in Los Angeles ontbied nadat hulle laas herfs teenstrydige getuienis afgelê het by die permanente subkomitee van die senaat oor ondersoeke oor watter rolle hulle speel in die bevordering van 'n versekeringskontrak waardeur die span se sentrale state, Die gesondheids- en welsynsfonds van die Suidoos- en Suidwes -gebiede het binne drie maande $ 6,6 miljoen verloor.

Bronne na aan die ondersoek het gesê dat hulle binnekort 'n paar aanklagte verwag op aanklagte wat meineed kan insluit. Hulle wou nie bekend maak of Fitzsimmons of Kleindienst die doelwit van die ondersoek was nie.

Die ondersoek in Los Angeles maak deel uit van toenemende aandag wat die departement van justisie gee aan 'n gebied wat deur Benjamin R. Civiletti, die waarnemende adjunk -prokureur -generaal, vandeesweek tydens die verhore van die senaat beskryf word as 'arbeidsbestuur -afpersing' waarby sommige mense betrokke is. #x27s grootste vakbonde.

Volgens bronne van die departement van justisie het 'n groep advokate van al die georganiseerde misdaadstakingmag bedoel om vanjaar baie aandag te skenk aan bewerings van rampokkery in die vakbond.

Die ondersoek in Los Angeles fokus op Joseph Hauser, 'n bestuurder van die versekering in Beverly Hills wat deur die Securities and Exchange Commission daarvan beskuldig word dat hy 'n versekeringsmaatskappy geplunder het en verlede jaar skuldig bevind is aan federale aanklagte van die omkoop van vakbondbeamptes in Kalifornië in verband met 'n ander versekeringsplan. bankrot.

In 1976 het 'n onderneming wat fondse na mnr. Hauser oorgedra het, 'n groot versekeringskontrak met die Central Health and Welfare Fund verkry.

Mnr. Kleindienst het in sy getuienis van die Senaat gesê dat hy probeer het om sy vriendskap met Fitzsimmons te gebruik om Hauser se onderneming te help om die kontrak te kry, en in ruil daarvoor 'n $ Finder -fooi van $ 250,000 ontvang waarmee hy geskei het twee ander. Mnr. Kleindienst het gesê dat Fitzsimmons hom verseker het dat sy kliënt 'n goeie kans het om die kontrak te kry.

Mnr. Fitzsimmons het in sy getuienis van die Senaat ontken dat hy enige poging daartoe getref het om die kliënt van Kleindienst te help.

Die spanmense het nou aansoek gedoen om die miljoene dollars wat hulle onderhou het, terug te eis.

Daniel J. Shannon, wat uitvoerende direkteur was van die gesondheids- en welsynsfonds op die oomblik dat hierdie verlies plaasgevind het, het verlede naweek aan die subkomitee van die senaat gesê dat die fonds 'geviktimiseer is' deur gewetenlose mans vir wie meineed en bedrog 'n manier is om lewe. ”

In 1977 dwing die regering die bedanking en vervanging van die trustees van die gesondheids- en welsynsfonds, wat ook trustees van die spanstate se sentrale state, Suidoos- en Suidwes -gebiede was, as deel van 'n poging om die pensioenfonds op te ruim. Maar bronne van die span het gesê dat die nuwe trustees nie tevrede was met die getuienis van Shannon nie. Verlede week moes hy bedank.

Lede van die kongres van beide partye, waaronder senatore Sam Nunn, demokraat van Georgië, en Charles H. Percy, Republikein van Illinois, en verteenwoordigers J. Pickle, demokraat van Texas, en Sam M. Gibbons, demokraat van Florida, het hieroor alarm uitgespreek. gebeurtenisse.

Alhoewel die groot jurieverrigtinge in Los Angeles geheim is, het getuienis verlede herfs voor die ondersoekpaneel van die Senaat 'n gedetailleerde, gedokumenteerde blik gegee op die ketting van gebeure wat nou ondersoek word. Die rekords van die verhore is daarna aan die departement van justisie oorhandig.

Van 1960 tot 1976 het die gesondheids- en welsynsfonds met die Republic National Life Insurance Company van Dallas 'n reuse -versekeringsprogram gekontrakteer vir 185 000 lede van die vakbond in 20 state.

Op 13 Oktober 1975 het die trustees van die fonds gestem om hul dekking by Republic National in 1976 te beëindig, om selfversekerd te word op gesondheidsdekking en om die groepslewensversekeringskontrak te herroep.

Hy was, soos senator Nunn dit later beskryf het, die grootste kontras in die groepsversekering wat nog ooit deur die vakbondstrustfonds toegeken is, met 'n premie van $ 24 miljoen per jaar op 'n dekking van $ 2,6 miljard.

Die Tolley International Corporation van Indianapolis is gevra om bodspesifikasies op te stel en te bepaal watter versekeringsmaatskappye genooi moet word om te bie.

Volgens die getuienis van W. Donald Gray, 'n ondersoeker van die subkomitee van die Senaat, het mnr. Hauser destyds 'n klein onderneming in Florida, die Farmers National Life Insurance Company, beheer. Aangesien die Boere -onderneming in die meeste lande nie sake kon doen nie, het Hauser 'n herversekeringsooreenkoms gereël met die Old Security Life Insurance Company, 'n klein kredietlewermaatskappy in Kansas City, Mo. ooreenkoms waarin premies wat aan Old Security betaal is, in werklikheid na Farmers gegaan het. Beide maatskappye is nou in ontvangs.

John Boden, 'n voormalige sakevennoot van mnr. Hauser wat nou in federale beskermingsbewaring is, getuig dat 'n vise -president van Tolley, Len Teeuws, in Desember 1975 met Hauser vergader het en dat hy die inligting deurgegee het wat volgens hom Old Security sou kon slaag. bie op die spanversekeringskontrak.

Mnr. Teeuws herroep die vergadering, maar getuig dat die bespreking van algemene aard was en dat Old Security nie 'n innerlike voordeel bied nie.

Alhoewel nie een van Tolley se bodspesifikasies ten gunste van Old Security was nie, het hulle geen openbaarmaking vereis wat sou bewys dat Hauser agter Old Security was nie.

Agt maatskappye bie. Old Security en die Prudential Life Insurance Company het albei die tweede laagste bod gehad. Toe mnr. Teeuws sy ontleding van die bod op 4 Maart 1976 by die fonds se trustees ingedien het, het sy berekeninge getoon dat Old Security die laagste bieër was.

Even so, Mr. Shannon, as executive director of the fund, preferred Prudential's established reputation and financial stability and recommended in an April 5 letter to the fund's trustees that they give Prudential the contract.

“Hauser was beside himself because he figured that he was going to be cheated out of the contract even though he was the low bidder,” testified L. Irving Davidson, a friend of Mr. Hauser.

Mr. Davidson said that he had advised Mr. Hauser to seek help from Thomas D. Webb Jr., a “social buddy, golf partner and gin player with Frank Fitzsimmons.”

In turn, Mr. Davidson testified, Mr. Webb “thought it would be a smart thing to do to get the business for Hauser by! contacting Richard Kleindienst, the former Attorney General of the United States.”

Mr. Kleindienst, who testified that he considered Mr. Fitzsimmons “a close personal friend of mine,” said he called Mr. Fitzsimmons immediately after he heard from Mr. Webb, told Mr. Fitzsimmons about the Old Security bid and asked for help.

Later, Mr. Kleindienst testified, Mr. Fitzsimmons called him back to say that Old Security apparently was the low bidder and had a good chance. Mr. Fitzsimmons testified that he did not consider Mr. Klendienst a great friend, labeled some of his testimony “untrue” and said lie had made no effort to help Mr. Kleindienst's client, Old Security. He testified that he had made one telephone call to Mr. Shannon to inquire whether Old Security had been invited to bid but did not inquire whether it was the low bidder.

Mr. Fitzsimmons's testimony not only contradicted that of Mr. Kleindienst but also apparently Mr. Fitzsimmons's own earlier statements to the Securities and Exchange Commission.

Mr. Fitzsimmons told the S.E.C. that he had telephoned Mr. Shannon to ask how the teamsters stood on the bid from Mr. Kleindienst's client. He also told the S.E.C. that he did determine that Old Security was the low bidder and did suggest to Mr. Shannon, “Why don't we look at Old Security's bid?”

“I am sure possibly that my imagination was running away with me at the time of the S.E.C.,” Mr. Fitzsimmons told the Senate subcommittee when asked about this difference.

According to Mr. Davidson, Mr.Hauser continued to worry that Old Security would not get the teamsters’ contract. Mr. Kleindienst testified that he had called Mr. Fitzsimmons to check and was assured by him that “there didn't appear to be any problems so far as the Old Security bid was concerned.”

Mr. Kleindienst's office telephone records show that, after the initial calls early in the month, Mr. Kleindienst did call Mr. Fitzsimmons April 23, and Mr. Fitzsimmons called him April 26. Mr. Fitzsimmons did not deny talking to Mr. Kleindienst but said he did not discuss Old Security.

Mr. Kleindienst's records show that Mr, Boden came to his office the following day, April 27. Mr. Boden, who testified that he had made the visit on Mr. Hauser's instructions, said Mr. Kleindienst had asked about the bid and whether ‘'I had any objection to using Amalgamated Insurance Agency headed by Allen Dorfman for our claims processing” He said, “I had never heard of Allen Dorfman.”

Concerns associated with Allen M. Dorfman, a Chicago insurance executive, according to testimony by Mr. Gray, served as agents and consultants on all the teamster fund's insurance from 1950 to 1976, even though Mr. Dorfman was convicted in March 1972 and served time in prison on a conspiracy charge involving a $55,000 kickback on a teamsters’ Central States Pension Fund loan.

Mr. Fitzsimmons told the Senate subcommittee he still considered Mr. Dorfman innocent, convicted on a “trumpedup charge,” and said “He, as far as am concerned, hasn't done anything to put him in disrespect as far as the health and welfare fund is concerned.” Mr. Shannon, however, disagreed and said so in his testimony.

Mr. Shannon said he felt that Mr. Dorfman's influence was unhealthy. He said he felt the fund was subservient to Mr. Dorfman, and had not wanted Mr. Dorfman to handle the claims processing on the new contract. If Prudential had won the contract, it intended to handle its own claims processing.

Testimony by Mr. Gray and Mr. Shannon indicated that this arrangement would have deprived Mr. Dorfman of his chance to sell lucrative “add‐on” insurance policies to teamsters members, an arrangement he had already worked out with Republic National.

Mr. Boden testified that he had told Mr. Kleindienst that Old Security would probably allow Mr. Dorfman to handle the claims processing, if he would do it for $96,000, a figure reflected in Mr. Boden's diary for that day.

Mr. Boden testified that Mr. Kleindienst had talked with Mr. Dorfman on the telephone, agreed on the $96,000 price, and “turned to me and said he thought he could now tell me that Old Security would get this business.', Mr. Roden said Mr. Kleindienst had also told him that Mr. Dorfman wanted to arrange to sell ad‐on policies.

Mr. Davidson and Mr, Webb both testified that they accompanied Mr. Hauser to a meeting with Mr. Kleindienst that same day at which Mr. Kleindienst demanded that Mr. Hauser get in touch with Mr. Dorfman.

Mr. Kleindienst told the Senate panel he was “flabbergasted” by this testimony. His office records, however, showed visits with Mr. Boden, Mr. Hauser and Mr. Davidson,and telephone calls to and from Mr. Dorfman.

The next day, travel records show, Mr. Hauser flew to Chicago. Mr. Davidson testified that Mr. Hauser met that day with Mr. Dorfman.

On April 30, the trustees of the health and welfare fund voted to approve Mr. Teeuws's recommendation that Old Security be awarded the contract on May 1.

On May 3, Mr. Hauser gave Mr. Kleindienst a check for $250,000, which he divided with Mr. Webb and Mr. Davidson. Mr. Gray testified that $200,000 of that amount had been siphoned out of the teamsters’ initial premium payment.

By the time the fund's trustees declared the Old Security contract void on Aug. 2, $7 million in premiums had been paid. Of this, Mr. Shannon testified, $6.6 million is lost. The teamsters filed suit Aug. 4, 1976, to get it back.


Political Activities

Historically, Teamsters political support has followed the interests of the often-corrupt Teamsters leadership. During Jimmy Hoffa Sr.’s leadership, the Teamsters waged a vendetta against the Kennedy family of John and Robert. John had co-sponsored the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959 (the Landrum-Griffin Act), which sought to combat union corruption like that in the Teamsters union by requiring extensive financial reporting. [85] Hoffa personally attacked John Kennedy during the 1960 Presidential campaign, though the Teamsters Union did not endorse either Kennedy or his Republican opponent Richard Nixon. [86]

The Teamsters also plotted against John’s brother (and Attorney General) Robert F. Kennedy, who had been involved in the McClellan Committee’s investigations of the union. When Bobby ran for U.S. Senate from New York in 1964, the Teamsters actively worked to attempt to defeat the Democrat. [87]

The Teamsters aligned with the Republican camp from 1972 through 1988 with the exception of 1976, after Richard Nixon pardoned Hoffa in 1971. After the George H.W. Bush Justice Department negotiated the consent decree in 1989, the Teamsters have backed the Democratic Presidential candidate in every election except 1996, when the union made no endorsement. [88]

While the union was historically relatively non-ideological, since Ron Carey’s term as general president the Teamsters have swung hard to the left. From the time that the Center for Responsive Politics database of campaign finance begins in the early 1990s, Teamsters political action committees have contributed approximately 95 percent of their federal political contributions to help Democratic candidates. [89] The union has also made substantial contributions to Democratic politicians, parties, and caucuses in Illinois, Missouri, and Florida, among other states. [90]

While a small number of Republicans have received the support of Teamsters unions, the national Republican Party has attempted to win back the union’s support to no avail. In 2004, President George W. Bush and his political team sought to woo the Teamsters under James P. Hoffa the union ultimately backed Democrats Dick Gephardt and John Kerry. [91] Donald Trump reportedly hoped to capitalize on the Teamsters’ tepid support of Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton in the 2016 election. [92] The union ultimately backed Clinton, in line with the position of the Teamsters’ Change to Win partners SEIU.

Strike for Black Lives

On July 20, 2020, Teamsters participated in the “Strike for Black Lives.” Labor unions and other organizations participated in the mass strike in 25 different cities to protest racism and acts of police violence in the United States. [93]

Employees in the fast food, ride-share, nursing home, and airport industries left work to participate in the strike. Protesters sought to press elected officials in state and federal offices to pass laws that would require employers to raise wages and allow employees to unionize so that they may negotiate better health care, child support care, and sick leave policies. Protesters stressed the need for increased safety measures to protect low-wage workers who do not have the option to work from home during the coronavirus pandemic.

Organizers of the protest claimed that one of the goals of the strike is to incite action from corporations and the government that promotes career opportunities for Black and Hispanic workers. Organizers stated that the strike was inspired by the Memphis sanitation workers’ strike in 1968 over low wages, inhuman working conditions, and a disparity in the distribution of benefits to black and white employees.

They stated that the purpose of the “Strike for Black Lives” is to remove anti-union and employment policies that prevent employees from bargaining collectively for better working conditions and wages. [94]


David Daniel Beck was born in Stockton, California, to Lemuel and Mary (Tierney) Beck. His father was a carpet cleaner. The Becks moved to Seattle, Washington when Dave was 4 years old. He had one sibling, a younger sister named Reba, and his family was poor. He attended Broadway High School but was forced to quit at the age of 16 in order to go to work. [2] [3] [4]

In 1910, Beck took a job as a laundry worker and joined his first labor union, the Laundry Workers International Union, despite being just 16 years of age, securing a more lucrative position driving a laundry truck shortly thereafter. Following a short-lived strike in 1917, Beck helped to organize and establish Local 566 of the Teamsters Union. [3] [4]

He was drafted in World War I and served as a machinist’s mate and gunner in England with the United States Navy. [2]

After the war ended, Beck returned to Seattle and his job as a laundry truck driver. He became an organizer with the Teamsters. He successfully convinced hotels to contract only with unionized laundry services, which led laundry companies to unionize to win business. His subsequent rise in the Teamsters was quick: He was elected to the executive board of Local 566 in 1920, president of Joint Council 28 (which covered Seattle) in 1923, secretary-treasurer of Local 566 in 1925, and president of Local 566 in 1927. The same year he was elected president of his local, he was hired by the international union as a full-time organizer. [3]

In 1937, Beck formed the Western Conference of Teamsters as a means of counteracting the conservative leadership of Joint Councils in San Francisco. Beck persuaded Teamsters president Daniel J. Tobin that the Western Conference of Teamsters was no threat to the power and authority of the international union. Harry Bridges, leader of the International Longshoremen's Association (ILA), had led a successful four-day strike in 1934. Bridges was now leading "the march inland"—an attempt to organize warehouse workers away from shipping ports. Beck was alarmed by Bridges' radical politics and worried that the ILA would encroach on Teamster jurisdictions. But Teamster joint councils in Los Angeles and other California ports seemed unconcerned. As an end run around the complacent joint councils, Beck formed a large regional organization. Beck engaged in fierce organizing battles and membership raids against the ILA, effectively stifling the "march inland." The Western Conference of Teamsters, and Beck, emerged significantly stronger from these battles. [5] [6]

As Beck's influence rose, Tobin attempted to check his growing power but failed. [5] Beck was elected a vice-president of the Teamsters in 1940, and he began to challenge Tobin for control of the union. In 1947, Beck marshaled his forces and defeated a proposed dues increase to fund new organizing. [7] In 1942, Beck began a six-year campaign to seize control of the International Teamster newsmagazine. He ousted its editor and won the executive board's approval to install his own man in the job in 1948. [8] In 1946, Beck successfully campaigned to amend the union's constitution to create the post of executive vice-president. He subsequently won the 1947 election to fill the position. [3]

In 1948, Beck essentially supplanted Tobin as the real power in the Teamsters union. On April 22, 1948, the Machinists (which was not a member of the American Federation of Labor, or AFL) struck Boeing in Seattle. On May 28, Beck announced that Teamsters would seek to organize the workers at Boeing, and formed Aeronautical Workers and Warehousemen Helpers Union Local 451 to raid the Machinists. Beck and Boeing officials made a secret agreement in which Boeing would hire members of Local 451—essentially hiring Teamsters as scabs and strikebreakers. After as many as a third of the Machinists had joined the Teamsters, the Machinists agreed to return to work without a contract. Beck's actions were nearly universally condemned by members of the AFL Executive Council. The AFL Executive Council met in August 1948 to take action against Beck. The day before the meeting, Tobin privately told associates that he would repudiate Beck. But at a secret meeting that afternoon, Beck and his followers on the West Coast confronted Tobin with a fait accompli: Beck had allied with his long-time enemy Jimmy Hoffa. He now had more than enough votes on the Teamsters executive board to overrule Tobin if he tried to fire Beck. At the AFL meeting the next day, Tobin was forced to defend Beck's actions. Unwilling to embarrass an AFL vice president and create a confrontation with the Teamsters, the AFL Executive Council condoned the Teamster raid on the Machinists. [9]

Five months later, Beck won approval of a significant reform of the union's internal structure. Instead of the four divisions which existed under Tobin, Beck proposed 16 divisions organized around each of the major job categories in the union's membership. Although nearly 1,000 Teamster leaders attended the conference in which the restructuring was debated and approved, Tobin did not. [10]

In 1951, Tobin's tenuous hold on the Teamsters was further exposed when Tom Hickey, reformist leader of the Teamsters in New York City, won election to the executive board. Tobin had needed Beck's support to prevent Hickey's election, and Beck refused to give it. [11]

On September 4, 1952, Tobin announced he would step down as president of the Teamsters at the end of his term. But as the mid-October Teamster convention neared, Tobin and his supporters formed a draft movement designed to subvert Beck's control of the delegates. Beck retaliated by publicly supporting the draft movement, but privately threatening to strip Tobin of his pension and benefits should he lose an election. [12]

At the convention which opened on October 14, the 77-year-old Tobin was paid well to vacate the presidency. His pay was increased from $30,000 to $50,000 and the executive board was authorized to pay him this salary for life. Beck submitted a resolution asking Tobin to stay on as president, but forced Tobin to refuse. As further humiliation, Tobin nominated Beck for president. He was elected by acclamation. Beck pushed through a number of changes intended to make it harder for a challenger to build the necessary majority to unseat a president or reject his policies. [13]

Beck was elected to the Executive Council of the AFL in 1953. [3]

In 1957, Beck was called to testify before the United States Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management. Harshly interrogated by committee counsel Robert F. Kennedy about $322,000 missing from the union treasury, Beck invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination 117 times. [14] Beck declined to seek reelection in 1957, and was succeeded by Jimmy Hoffa. [2] [4] [15]

Beck was prosecuted for embezzlement and labor racketeering in 1959 in Washington state. He was convicted for pocketing $1,900 from the sale of a union-owned Cadillac. Beck was convicted later that year on federal charges of income-tax evasion. He appealed his convictions, and his sentence was reduced to three years. He entered prison in 1962. His wife, Dorothy, died while he was serving his sentence. Beck, a former member of the Washington State Board of Prison Terms and Paroles, was himself paroled in 1965 after serving 30 months at McNeil Island Penitentiary. He was pardoned by Washington Governor Albert Rosellini in 1965, and by President Gerald Ford in 1975. [2] [4] [16]

After his release from prison, Beck lived in a basement in a house he himself had built for his mother and sister in the 1940s. He retained his $50,000-a-year Teamster president's pension and became a multimillionaire investing in parking lots. [2] [4]

Beck died at the age of 99 in Northwest Hospital in Seattle on December 26, 1993. [2]


Geskiedenis

A Union Meat Company deliveryman in a jaunty pose with his team. The horses wear Teamster emblems on their headgear. 1910

The Teamsters Union was a force long before the invention of the trucks that the union is associated with today. Prior to the automobile, a “teamster” drove a horse-drawn wagon, transporting and delivering goods to businesses and households.

The turn-of-the-century teamster worked long hours – as much as 18 hours a day, seven days a week – for low pay. New York City Teamsters began organizing in the early 1900s, joining with fellow workers across the country to form the International Brotherhood of Teamsters in 1903.

Under the leadership of early leaders like Dan Tobin at the International Brotherhood of Teamsters and Mike Cashel in New York, the union grew rapidly, representing all form of wagon drivers and emerging motor truck drivers.

The Teamsters had public service members from its earliest days. A New York City Department of Public Welfare ambulance driver. 1922

As the union built power, it put it to use raising standards for transportation workers. In 1938, a city-wide truckers strike brought New York to a standstill. Drivers were fighting for a 40 hour workweek and a higher hourly wage.

Teamster organizing expanded into other industries, bringing warehouse workers, manufacturing workers, public sector workers, and many other into the union. In 1948, 1,000 Macy’s warehouse workers voted to join Teamsters Local 804. In 1951, workers at the City’s Department of Sanitation joined the Teamsters and formed Teamsters Local 831, the Uniformed Sanitationmen’s Association.

NYC Department of Sanitation employees go on strike for better wages and working conditions, 1950s.

In 1957, James R. “Jimmy” Hoffa was elected general president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, making the national union America’s largest and most powerful union. Under Hoffa’s leadership, the Teamsters negotiated the legendary National Master Freight Agreement in 1964. That single contract covered 400,000 over-the-road drivers across the country and turned trucking into a middle-class job.

By 1960, there were 165,000 Teamsters in New York’s Joint Council 16, and 61 Teamster locals within the joint council. Nationally under Hoffa’s leadership, the Teamsters represented more than 2 million workers.

In 1971, the Teamsters showed their power and solidarity by joining a city-wide strike of public sector workers. Teamsters Local 237 bridge operators raised and locked bridge crossings to compel state legislators to act on a pension agreement that had been collectively bargained with the City.

New York Teamsters have also used their power to support other progressive causes and social movements. Teamsters sent trucks, supplies, money, and boots-on-the-ground to support civil rights organizing in the South. In recent years, Teamsters in New York have built strong alliances with community and environmental justice organizations to raise labor standards and address other injustices. In 2014, after years of Teamster advocacy, the governor signed legislation to end the misclassification of commercial drivers, which will stop the unfair use of underpaid and exploited independent contractors in the trucking industry.

Local 810 members show their support for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 1963.

Today’s Joint Council 16 represents workers in a wide range of industries that reflect our historic growth. Our members still include horse carriage drivers – those who ferry tourists around scenic Central Park. Beyond truck drivers, the Teamsters represent public housing workers, airline staff, newspaper printers, film industry workers, manufacturers, and construction workers – and workers in many industries beyond.


International Brotherhood of Teamsters

Die International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), also known as the Teamsters Union, is a labor union in the United States and Canada. Formed in 1903 by the merger of The Team Drivers International Union and The Teamsters National Union, [2] the union now represents a diverse membership of blue-collar and professional workers in both the public and private sectors. The union has approximately 1.3 million members as of 2020. [1] Formerly known as the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers of America, the IBT is a member of the Change to Win Federation and Canadian Labour Congress.


Senate Probe Finds 'Substantial' Mob Ties to Hotel Union

The nation's major hotel and restaurant workers' union is under the "substantial influence" of organized-crime interests, the Senate permanent subcommittee on investigations said yesterday in concluding a three-year investigation of the 400,000-member union.

"Numerous officers and employes have documented ties to organized-crime figures, and there is little doubt that Local 54 (Atlantic City) is now controlled, and Locals 226 (Las Vegas) and 30 (San Diego) have been influenced in the past, by organized-crime interests," the subcommittee said in its 144-page report.

The Senate report follows investigations of the Teamsters, Laborers and Longshoremen's unions by the same subcommittee.

It said that the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union (HERE) had made $6 million in "ill-advised" and now defaulted loans, some to borrowers with alleged mob connections hired an "alarming number" of employes with criminal records and, in Las Vegas, had "outrageously excessive" administrative costs of up to 45 percent on its multimillion-dollar health plans, compared with customary costs of 10 to 15 percent.

The report also said that its investigation was "seriously obstructed" because 34 witnesses -- among them seven HERE officers, including President Edward T. Hanley -- refused to testify by invoking the Fifth Amendment's protection against self-incrimination.

The union responded from its Cincinnati headquarters that the Senate inquiry was biased and had relied heavily on testimony by "convicted felons, psychopathic liars, admitted perjurers, discredited attorneys and union-busting employer consultants."

HERE also said that Hanley, 52, had been under almost continuous investigation for more than seven years by four grand juries and by the Labor and Justice departments and the Internal Revenue Service, but had been "vindicated" and never been found guilty of wrongdoing.

HERE, which has a presence in most major American cities, including 10,000 members among most of Washington's major hotels, is one of the AFL-CIO's largest unions. Hanley, its president since 1973, is also on the AFL-CIO's executive council.

The Senate report does not reveal evidence of criminal activity by HERE officials, nor does it prove collusion between organized crime and top union officials, subcommittee staffers acknowledged in interviews before the report's release.

"We don't have any smoking guns. I wish we did," a senior staff member said, "but you have an overwhelming pattern" of association between the union and organized-crime figures, primarily based in Chicago. "Our problem was that people refused to talk, were afraid to talk, or were ostriches with their heads in the sand," the staff member said.

In releasing the report, subcommittee Chairman William V. Roth Jr. (R-Del.) criticized the Department of Labor for inadequate monitoring of employe-benefit funds and said subcommittee members would introduce legislation to broaden the department's authority to initiate civil actions against union officials for mishandling such funds.

The subcommittee said Hanley and other officers should be removed from office for invoking the Fifth Amendment, in line with a policy the AFL-CIO adopted in 1957 at the urging of the late George Meany. The policy says union officers, when questioned about union business, "should freely and without reservation answer all relevant questions asked by proper law enforcement agencies, legislative committees and other public bodies, seeking fairly and objectively to keep the labor movement free from corruption."

HERE said Hanley and others had invoked the Fifth Amendment partly because the subcommittee relied heavily on testimony of Joseph Hauser, a felon and perjurer now in the federal witness protection program, and Joel I. Keiler, a lawyer who worked against unions on behalf of management.

Reliance on such witnesses "demonstrated that its inquiry is sufficiently lacking in fairness, objectivity and 'due process' to more than warrant invocation of the Fifth Amendment privilege."

AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland, who had appeared before the subcommittee, said Hauser and Keiler were "utterly unworthy of belief" and urged that their testimony be disregarded in drafting the final report.

The Senate report traces the colorful and sometimes unsavory history of the 91-year-old union and said that Chicago-based organized-crime elements had played a strong role in union activities since the era of Al Capone, when both labor and management employed "gangsters and hoodlums."

But the report contends that the union's links with organized crime have strengthened under Hanley and that he and other union officials had associated with dozens of mobsters.

The report quotes an unreleased Justice Department study that contends that Joseph Aiuppa, "the underboss of the Chicago Syndicate" played a key role in the election of Hanley, a Chicago native, and that Hanley in turn reappointed John Lardino, a reputed mobster, to an international union post.

Within two years of Hanley's election, the union expanded its staff from 20 international organizers paid about $500,000 to more than 100 paid more than $2 million. Although organizing is crucial to expanding the union's base, the report said many of those hired had no experience and an "alarming number" were criminals.

Fifteen employes hired since Hanley's election have criminal records or are named as "associates" of major organized-crime figures from Chicago, Philadelphia and elsewhere, according to the report.

Anthony Accardo, whom the subcommittee described as the "reputed longtime head of the Chicago mob," testified, under a grant of immunity, that he had no involvement with Hanley or with union activities. Roth said Accardo's testimony had been referred to the Justice Department "for possible perjury proceedings."

The report said HERE's organizing payroll also was padded with family and friends of Hanley and other officials. Among those cited in the report is Jackie Presser, president of the Teamsters Union, who was paid as a HERE international organizer between 1973 and 1976, even while he was on the payroll of two other unions, the Teamsters and the Bakery Workers Union.

Dental plans run by the union in Las Vegas and Atlantic City have "outrageously excessive" administrative costs, and part of that excess, in Las Vegas, is "being kicked back to organized-crime figures," the report said. Expert testimony indicated that in some cases, dentists received only 57 to 70 percent of the money earmarked for dental care.

In addition to recommending legislative changes, the report also said that the "obstruction" caused by repeated assertions of the Fifth Amendment by union officials "raised questions as to how congressional committees should handle [Fifth Amendment] assertions" in future investigations.

In its history, the subcommittee "has rarely overruled an assertion of the privilege nor contested one in judicial proceedings," the report said. "However, this policy may require reevaluation in light of the [HERE] investigation."


Kyk die video: NPC Headliner: Teamsters Union Leadership Candidate Debate (Augustus 2022).