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Slag van Philippi, 4 Junie 1861

Slag van Philippi, 4 Junie 1861



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Slag van Philippi, 4 Junie 1861

Aan die begin van die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog was nie alle suidelike state heeltemal ten gunste van die afskeiding van die Unie nie. Veral in die boonste suide was daar sterk pro-Unie streke. Wes -Virginia was een van hierdie streke. Dit was 'n bergagtige gebied met sterk bande met Ohio en Pennsylvania, en 'n jarelange wrok teen 'tidewater' Virginia. Geografies was dit van die res van Virginia afgesonder deur 'n reeks bergreekse, maar was relatief oop in die noorde.

Terwyl die res van Virginia na afstigting van die Unie beweeg het, het Wes -Virginia na afstigting van Virginia beweeg. By die vergadering op 17 April wat vir afstigting gestem het, het slegs 5 van die 31 noordwestelike afgevaardigdes vir afstigting gestem. In die komende maande het die strewe na die skepping van 'n nuwe staat momentum gekry en uiteindelik op 11 Junie 'n eie konvensie gelewer.

Teen die tyd dat hierdie konvensie ontmoet het, was die uniemagte reeds in die voorgestelde nuwe staat. Wes -Virginia was strategies belangrik vir die Unie. Die Baltimore- en Ohio -spoorlyn, een van die belangrikste skakels tussen Washington en die Weste, loop deur die noorde van die staat. Dit was reeds twee keer geblokkeer, een keer by Harper's Ferry en weer by Grafton in die weste van Virginia.

Min federale magte was beskikbaar vir enige veldtog in die weste van Virginia. In Ohio was daar egter baie ekstra troepe - die staat het baie meer regimente opgerig wat president Lincoln versoek het, en ook troepe om te spaar. Sy het ook bevelvoerders gehad - George McClellan, William Rosecrans en Jacob Cox was toe almal in Ohio. Generaal Winfield Scott, destyds die generaal-generaal van die Amerikaanse weermag, het McClellan 'n dun bedekte bevel gestuur om iets aan die situasie by Grafton te doen.

McClellan het gou drie afsonderlike magte na Grafton beweeg. Die eerste wat aangekom het, was 'n Wes -Virginiese regiment onder kolonel BF Kelley. Die Konfederale mag by Grafton was net onder die 1.000 sterk, omtrent so groot soos 'n volmagregiment aan die begin van die oorlog, en het dus te staan ​​gekom voor die benadering van 'n ewe sterk mag wat hul bevelvoerder, kolonel G.A. Porterfield, suidwaarts teruggetrek na Philippi.

By Grafton het Kelley spoedig 'n mag van Ohio en 'n ander van Indianapolis bygevoeg. Die bevelvoerder van die Indiana-troepe, brigadier-generaal Thomas A. Morris, was die senior offisier en het bevel oor die ekspedisie geneem. Hy het nou 3 000 mans gehad, alhoewel hulle almal onervare vrywilligers was. Sy plan was ietwat te ambisieus vir die omstandighede. Twee kolomme van 1 500 man sou 'n oornagoptog maak van afsonderlike punte op die spoorweg, wat byeenkom in Philippi, waar die hoop was dat hulle die Konfederale kamp sou omsingel en die hele vyandelike mag sou vang.

Die nagmars het beter gegaan as wat Morris die reg gehad het om te verwag, maar die beplande knypaanval het nie gekom nie. Porterfield se eerste kennis van die federale aanval het gekom toe hul artillerie losgebrand het, maar hy het nie sy kop verloor nie. In plaas daarvan het hy daarin geslaag om 'n vinnige toevlugsoord te organiseer, en het ontsnap saam met al sy vyftien man. Aan die federale kant was daar slegs een slagoffer - kolonel Kelley is gewond deur 'n pistoolskoot. Porterfield trek nog 'n vyf -en -twintig myl terug na Beverly, waar hy die blok tussen West Virginia en die Shenandoah -vallei kan blokkeer, en waar hy versterkings van Robert E. Lee in Virginia kan ontvang. In die noorde was die geveg bekend as die 'Philippi Races' vanweë die spoed van die Konfederale onttrekking, hoewel dit 'n geruime tyd nie besef is dat geen gevangenes geneem is nie.

Die oorwinning op Philippi het die beweging vir staatskaping baie bemoedig. Die konvensie wat op 11 Julie vergader het, het uiteindelik die verordening aanvaar wat sou lei tot die oprigting van die staat Wes -Virginia op 20 Augustus. Teen daardie tyd het die uniesoldate weer 'n oorwinning op Rich Mountain (12 Julie) behaal. Teen die tyd dat die afstigting -referendum op 24 Oktober gehou is, was selfs Robert E. Lee op 10 September by Cheat Mountain verslaan.


Slag van Philippi, 4 Junie 1861 - Geskiedenis

Randolph Enterprise
11 Junie 1925

Die eerste chirurgiese instrument van die burgeroorlog was 'n handgesig.

Die eerste chirurgiese operasie van die burgeroorlog, tot dusver bekend, is op 4 Junie 1861 in die stad Beverly uitgevoer.

Die Slag van Philippi is die oggend van 3 Junie 1861 geveg en was die eerste landgeveg van die Burgeroorlog. Die Konfederate was verbaas en 'n jong man met die naam Leroy Parker Daingerfield is in die been geskiet. In die verwarring en opgewondenheid is alles vergeet en per ongeluk het 'n soldaat die gewonde man gesien en hom uit die gevaarsone geneem. Dr John Huff, was een van die dokters by die Konfederate en was 'n skoolvriend van die gewonde soldaat. Hy neem hom in beheer en sleep hom in 'n wa na Beverly, ongeveer dertig kilometer daarvandaan.

Dr Huff, wat al sy instrumente en mediese voorrade verloor het, het 'n probleem van onmiddellike optrede gehad en met moed en goeie oordeel, wat hom sy lewe lank kenmerk, met 'n slagmes en 'n vleissaag die beseerde been verwyder.

Die foto hierbo is 'n foto van die saag wat as 'n oorblyfsel bewaar is.

Dr John Huff wat in hierdie gedeelte gewoon het, was 'n man met groot invloed in hierdie deel van die land. Hy is gebore te Port Republic op 11 Julie 1833 en sterf te Parsons, W. Va. Op 1 Februarie 1925. Hy was 'n gegradueerde van die Winchester Medical College en was verbonde aan die Konfederale weermag as inspeksie -chirurg vir Noordwes -Virginia. .

Dr Huff het van 1870 tot 1872 in Beverly gewoon en daarna na Centerville verhuis. Daarna na Buckhannon en woon daar van 1878 tot 1911 en van daardie datum tot sy dood in Parsons, W. Va. en 'n vriend. Hy was geïnteresseerd in die siekes van die mens en ook in sy welsyn en het altyd sonskyn en geluk versprei oral waar hy gegaan het.

Leroy Parker Daingerfield is gebore in Frederick County Va., 14 Desember 1829 en was in die Konfederale Weermag tydens die Slag van Philippi. Was die eerste soldaat in die burgeroorlog wat geopereer is en oorweeg die huidige operasionele metodes, en wat op daardie tydstip gebeur het, was hy seker 'n ysterman wat die beproewing deurstaan ​​het.

Hy is in 'n wa na Beverly gehaal, en nadat hy die hele afstand gemartel is, sonder narkose, is sy been geamputeer met 'n slagmes en 'n vleissaag. Na 'n rukkie het dr Huff hom oor die berge geneem na Warm Springs, Va. Hy het herstel en geleef tot 8 Oktober 1905. Hy is dood in Staunton, Va.

Die operasie is uitgevoer in die James H. Logan -huis in Beverly, Va., En die huis is nog steeds in besit van die kleindogter van mnr. Logan.

Daar is baie geskiedenis en baie om te herdenk in die Tygarts -vallei. Gedurende die vier jaar van die burgeroorlog was daar byna 'n konstante opmars en kamp van soldate langs die vreedsame vallei en een keer vroeg in die oorlog, as die generaals in beheer van die leërs 'n algemene verlowing aangegaan het, sou die oorlog moontlik geëindig het .


Slag van Philippi, 4 Junie 1861 - Geskiedenis



('N Kopiereg onder beskerming van West Virginia Archives and History)

Die begin - Philippi, 1861

Deur Ruth Woods Dayton

Deel 13, nommer 4 (Julie 1952), pp. 254-266

Deur die heuwels van Noord-Sentraal-Virginia, die dorpie Philippi, was die agtienjarige setel van Barbour County aangenaam langs die oostelike kant van die kronkelende Tygartsrivier. Sy lewe draai om die vierkantige baksteenhuis. Omring deur 'n stuk grond van twee hektaar staan ​​die klein gebou, met sy koepelklokkie, groen hortjies en waardige wit kolomme, rustig en afsydig van die stofstraat. Agter die deure het ernstige jong prokureurs probeer om oud en ervare te lyk, terwyl hulle senuweeagtig met elkeen in ywer en oratorium stry, terwyl die skare buite die stad om die stadspomp gestaan ​​het en die sake aangevoer het sonder voordeel van prokureurs of regter.

Die kantoorgeboue van die prokureurs en dokters is meer dikwels as nie op die eienaars se perseel opgerig nie. Die groot dorpspersele het genoeg ruimte gebied, nie net vir koshuis nie, maar ook vir winkels, winkels of ander sakegeboue. Dit was vanselfsprekend dat daar ook plek sou wees vir 'n houtskuur en rookhuis, asook ruimte vir 'n groentetuin, vrugtebome en druiwestruik.

Philippi het, net soos ander klein dorpies, sy skool en sy eenvoudige raamkerke, sy bank en taverne, winkels van skoenlappers, tuigmakers, smede en timmermanne. Die algemene winkels was versprei langs die hoofstraat, eintlik die Beverly en Fairmont Turnpike. Hulle is maklik geïdentifiseer, selfs op 'n afstand, deur die hangrek voor, waar 'n ry perde eentonig by die vlieë gestamp het. Hierdie winkels was wonderlike plekke, waarvan die deurmekaar interieurs onder leiding van eienaars was wat al lankal onbewus was van die gekombineerde geur van hul bont inhoud: vis in pekelwater, stof, "uiestelle", bruinsuiker, houtrook, ongebleikte mousseline, kaas, leer , parafien, ou tabak en die immer teenwoordige stadslippers en hul honde. Voorraadopname ongedroom, niks is ooit weggegooi nie. Slegte bokse op die rakke het nog steeds die verbleikte handskoene en deftige kappies van verskeie vorige seisoene gehou. As 'n eienaar af en toe wonder wat die bokse bevat, het hy dit nooit reggekry om dit te ondersoek nie. Hier het die dorpsbewoners nie net alles van ploeë tot pepermuntjies kom koop nie, maar ook 'n bietjie nuus en skinder opgehoop en 'n draai na die winkel gemaak sonder om wins te maak, al was die aankoop klein.

Aan die suidelike buitewyke van die stad was die leerlooier, genader deur 'n sponsagtige sonpaadjie, welkom by die kaal voete van die rondlopende seuntjie wat gestop het om na die aktiwiteite van die besige plek te kyk. Vir hom, van nog groter aantrekkingskrag, was die toringmeul wat op die rivieroewer aan die ander kant van die stad gestaan ​​het. Hier was aksie en geraas in oorvloed, terwyl die vloere en swaar balke, vir ewig gepoeier met meelstof, kraak en bewe onder die kragtige trillings van die slypende buhrs. 'N Seun kan onvermoeide ure spandeer om te kyk, en as die meulenaar nie te oplettend was nie, kan hy uitgaan en sy kaal voete in die gevaarlik diep water van die meulwedloop hang - 'n hoogtepunt wat pas by 'n heeltemal bevredigende middag.

So was Philippi voor 1861, ernstig ingestel en stil, nie ryk of arm nie, vroegoggend opgestaan, weeksdae gewerk en Sondag kerk toe gegaan. Sy huishouding bevat baie kinders, wie se moeders in die reël reeds op sestien jaar getroud was, op twintig as waardige matrone beskou word. Ongelooflik kalm en onbeskaamd, het hierdie vroue op wonderbaarlike wyse onbeperkte kennis van naaldwerk, breiwerk en tuismaak gehad, en het as 't ware die pligte van gesinsskoolonderwyser aangeneem met die tussenposes wanneer daar geen onderwyser beskikbaar was nie. Hulle was bekwame en ervare verpleegsters toe die siekte bedreig het, en het baie beproefde middels agter in die groot kookboek neergeskryf. Dit was iets van 'n ensiklopedie en 'n kosbare familie -skat wat nie net vertel hoe om 'n perfekte sponskoek voor te berei nie, maar ook instruksies gee vir die behandeling van 'koors op die longe', en verduidelik ook wat om te doen met varkcholera.

Dit was 'n stad waar kinders hul vader as 'Meneer' aangespreek het, en waar jong mans formele aantekeninge in die derde persone aan 'Miss Mary' of 'Miss Sallie' geskryf het, komplimente gegee en haar geselskap versoek het om kroket te speel, om Lodge by te woon, of 'n verrassingspartytjie. Sulke aantekeninge, met 'n hoek omgedraai, is gestuur deur die hand van jonger broers, wat hopelik diskreet sou wees.

Die trots van die gemeenskap was die massiewe tweebaan-bedekte tolbrug wat die rivier 'n ent noord van die maalmeul oorgesteek het. Dit is in 1852 deur plaaslike werkers opgerig en was werklik 'n argitektoniese meesterstuk. Sy bouer, Lemuel Chenoweth, van die dorpie Beverly, dertig myl suid, het groot aansien gekry toe hy in 1849 sy model aan die Board of Public Works in Richmond gedemonstreer het. Sy meer kosmopolitiese mededingers, met hul helder geverfde modelle, voel humoristies beter as hierdie landgenoot wat meer as honderd myl oor die berge gery het met sy brug van ongeverfde hickoryhout in koerante toegedraai en oor sy saal vasgemaak. Maar toe meneer Chenoweth rustig sy stewige brug oor twee stoele sit en daarop staan ​​om die sterkte daarvan te toon, was dit nie net 'n dramatiese toets nie, maar ook 'n toets wat sy mededingers nie kon ontmoet nie. Toe hy huis toe ry met die kontrak in sy sak, het hy ook die welverdiende respek van die ander ingenieurs saamgeneem.

Deur sy vriend, Emmett O'Brien, 'n bekende klipmesselaar, te kies om toesig te hou oor die bou van die piere, het mnr. die brug in 'n weiland by die rivier. Die groot stokke geel populier, wat naby die terrein gesny is, is heeltemal met die hand uitgekap, en die enorme struktuur van twee voetwydtes van 312 voet, elk met vier boë elk, is met houtpenne aangebring-die enigste ysterwerke is nodig boute gemaak deur Amacy Kittle, die plaaslike ystersmid. Die werkers het gespog dat daar nie ''n enkele spyker in haar was nie'. Nadat die brug voltooi en deeglik geïnspekteer is, is dit perfek uitgespreek en ongelooflik, soos dit mag klink, was geen verandering nodig nie. Dit is daarna uitmekaar gehaal en sorgvuldig gerekonstrueer op die breë kliphoute, waar dit tot vandag toe staan, ondanks 'n eeu aanhoudende gebruik.

Hierdie monarg van die rivier was nie alleen die trots van Philippi nie, maar die wonder van die hele streek en was 'n groot seën vir reisigers op die draai, wat moeg geword het vir die vervelige en onseker veerboot. Vir die klein seuntjies van die gemeenskap was die brug 'n onmiskenbare vreugde, want dit het op 'n manier hul persoonlike eiendom geword omdat hulle elke oomblik van die konstruksie daarvan gretig gekyk het. 'N Nuwigheid wat nooit opgeduik het nie, was die wedloop na die brug toe 'n ver ry van beeste gesien word - daar om die breë krom boë op te klim en in verstikkende stof en opwindende veiligheid hoog bo die rug van die kreunende, stampende diere te sit. Alhoewel vaardig deur die gerusstellende oproepe van die drewer en deur die waaksaamheid van hul hardwerkende honde deurgeloop, was daar altyd 'n kans dat 'n stuurman skielik kon draai en, met verlaagde horings, een van die honde oplaai en wegstap. onvoorspelbare muitery. Een van die mans ry dan agterna, terwyl die ander probeer om te voorkom dat die oorblywende diere 'n soortgelyke stormloop. Dit was baie opwindend, en soms het dit heerlik lank geneem om die weerbarstige weer in die ry te kry. Dit het 'n seuntjie vir dae iets gegee om oor te praat. Dit was byna net so opwindend as toe die ys in die lente uit die rivier gegaan het. Toe staan ​​'n mens op die oewer sidderend, sprakeloos en oorweldig van ontsag om die onwankelbare sterkte van die groot brug onberoerd te sien terwyl die swaar yskoeke al hoe hoër teen die klipstapels stapel.

Skielik in die lente van 1861 is alles verander. Met die aanpak van die oorlog het die burgers van hierdie stil gemeenskap skielik daarvan bewus geword dat hulle brug nie meer as 'n voorwerp van trots en gemak beskou kan word nie, maar die teenwoordigheid daarvan, net soos by die poort na die suide, was 'n bedreiging vir die veiligheid van die dorp, want amptelike oë was nou op Philippi gerig. Generaals van die noorde en van die suide het die belangrikheid van hierdie brug erken, so belangrik vir elkeen, en vir sy sterkte en grootte was sy lewe in die gedrang - hulpeloos teen so 'n klein vuurhoutjie.

Die Ordonnansie van Afskeiding is op 17 April deur die Richmond -konvensie aangeneem, maar Virginia, 'n grensstaat, was verre van sentimenteel verenig. Sy mense was byna ewe verdeeld, met die Sesessioniste met 'n klein meerderheid. Reeds het bitterheid en vyandskap ontstaan ​​tussen families en vriende wie se verskillende oortuigings nie versoenbaar was nie. Gerugte, onsekerheid en verwarring was oral, terwyl Lincoln se oproep na vrywilligers gevind het dat Philippi voorberei op oorlog. Mans het woes gewerk om kos vir hul gesinne te bekom en te verberg voordat hulle by die weermag aangesluit het. Ekstra vate meel was weggesteek in solder en buitegeboue, hamme en suiker, onder vloere en trappe. Vroue met 'n grimmige gesig, wat jare ouer as hul jongmanne voel, gevul met oorlogskoors en gretigheid om af te gaan, het met droë oë geswyg oor hul pligte. Verward en opgewonde kinders het almal in die pad gesteek, terwyl hulle daarop aangedring het om die silwerware in die blombedding te begrawe en om aandenkings onder die vuurstene weg te steek. Kaalvoet seuns hardloop nie meer in die stofstraat af om te sien hoe die beeste deur die brug gaan nie. Dit het alles kinderagtig en lank gelede gelyk. In plaas daarvan, staan ​​hulle nugter en staar, verlore in afguns en bewondering toe pas aangewese ouer broers, met die Konfederale vlag wat uit die koepel bokant hulle wapper, in selfbewuste rye op die hofplein staan-en verlang na die dag wanneer hulle ook kon inskryf. So 'n wens is vurig uitgespreek deur 'n klein patriot wat op 27 Mei 1861 aan sy oom geskryf het: 'Die soldate het meer op die verkiesingsdag hierheen gekom as wat ek ooit in my lewe gesien het, hulle was vyfhonderd sewentig van hulle, en hulle kom sedertdien elke dag hierheen. Die Barbour Greys het Saterdag hier weggegaan en ek was jammer om te sien hoe hulle begin, maar ek het geweet dat hulle vir vryheid en almal van ons gaan veg. Ek sou bly wees om te leer skiet, maar ek dink ek Ek is te klein om te leer skiet, maar as ek lewe, is ek van plan om te leer skiet. Hulle verwag elke dag 'n geveg by Grafton. Ek sou vrywillig wees as ek oud genoeg was en met al my dalk .... "

Dit was drie weke tevore dat kolonel George A. Porterfield, wat aan die konfederale bevel van staatsmagte in die noordweste van Virginia toegewys was, beveel is aan Grafton, twintig myl noord van Philippi, om die leiding oor die werwings en troepe in daardie gebied te neem. Gekonfronteer met 'n ontmoedigende toestand, het hy gevind dat die mense van Wes -Virginia nie entoesiasties was om wapens vir die Konfederasie op te neem nie - vrywilligers was min en toerusting onvoldoende. Van die maatskappye wat by nabygeleë dorpe georganiseer is, was slegs twee met gewere toegerus, en almal het nie ammunisie nie. Terwyl hy so beset was, het Porterfield verneem dat goed bewapende federale troepe nader kom uit die rigting van Wheeling, naby die grens van Pennsylvania. Ten volle bewus van sy ontoereikendheid om 'n ontmoeting te waag, het hy geen ander keuse gehad as om hom terug te trek nie. Voordat hy dit gedoen het, het hy egter sekere Baltimore- en Ohio -spoorbrue gedeeltelik verbrand, wat nodig was vir die instandhouding van die federale militêre reddingslyn tussen Washington en die weste. Hierdie poging om kommunikasie te vernietig het geen onherstelbare skade tot gevolg gehad nie, en hoewel dit in die lig van die daaropvolgende groot militêre optrede van geringe betekenis was, het dit op die oomblik gefokus op hierdie wydverspreide en onmiddellike aandag as die eerste dreigende stap in die komende konflik.

Generaal -majoor George B. McClellan, nuut aangestel in die federale bevel van die departement van Ohio en 'n gedeelte van Wes -Virginia, het troepe uit verskillende rigtings na Grafton gestuur met brigadier -generaal TA Morris van die Indiana -vrywilligers. Generaal Morris het kolonel BF Kelley ontbied uit sy werwingspos in Wheeling en beveel hom na Grafton om die bevel te neem van 'n aanvallende party om Porterfield te volg en, indien moontlik, hom te vang. Porterfield het intussen teruggetrek na Philippi, waar hy verwag het om versterkings en ammunisie te ontvang. Die eerste verwagting is verwesenlik deur die teenwoordigheid van 'n geselskap van vrywilligers uit Upshur County, sowel as 'n kompanie kavallerie uit Rockbridge County, maar hy was nie beter daaraan toe nie, aangesien die wapens en ammunisie van Richmond na die voorraadbasis in Beverly gestuur is, dertig myl suid van Philippi gekom het nie. Tog besluit hy om kamp te gaan maak en wag vir verwikkelinge.

Onbewus van die swakheid van Porterfield se magte en sy onvermoë om enige aanvallende optrede uit te voer, of om selfs 'n geloofwaardige verdediging uit te voer, het kolonel Kelley 'n noukeurig voorbereide aanvalsplan gehad wat op 1 Junie deur generaal Morris in Grafton goedgekeur is. Op grond van die verrassingselement en 'n knypbeweging uit die noorde en suide, was die plan om Porterfield tussen twee bymekaarkomende kolomme in die sak te steek. Die aanval was uiters bekommerd dat spioene ingelig is oor die beoogde optog, en 'n dag lank uitgestel en die indruk wek dat voorbereidings getref word vir 'n vaart op Harpers Ferry na die ooste. Hierdie illusie is verder uitgevoer deur die regimente in twee afdelings te verdeel en elk met afsonderlike treine na verskillende bestemmings te stuur.

Kelley, wat eerste vertrek, het die oggend van 2 Junie oos begin, met ses kompanie van sy eie First Virginia Regiment, nege van die negende Indiana onder kolonel RH Milroy en ses van die sestiende Ohio onder kolonel J. Irvine.

Toe hy by die klein dorpie Thornton afklim, draai sy kolom suidwaarts en loop te voet oor 'n rowwe en selde gebruikte agterpad. Hierdie pad, aan dieselfde kant van die rivier as Philippi, het sy smal weg tussen die heuwels deur die dorpe Tacy en Nestorville gedraai om uiteindelik in twee vurke te verdeel, waarvan een teen 'n heuwel afloop, verby Philippi aan die einde van die stad naby die brug en die Konfederale kamp, ​​kom die ander, nog growwer en minder bekende, in die Beverly- en Fairmont -snoek voorby die looiery en die suidelike grens van die stad - Kelley se doel.

Die tweede afdeling, wat Grafton onder kolonel Ebenezer Dumont gelaat het, het bestaan ​​uit sy sewende Indiana -regiment. Hy is beveel om hom by Webster, vier myl suidwes van Grafton, af te sit en hom daar te verenig met die Sesde Indiana -regiment onder kolonel T. Crittenden, en die veertiende Ohio -regiment met twee stukke artillerie onder kolonel J. B. Steedman.

Alles saam was die gesamentlike regimente as 'n eenheid onder algemene bevel van kolonel F. W. Lander in die duisternis langs die Beverly- en Fairmont -snoek. Sy meer direkte roete wat minder tyd verg, die trein van Dumont het eers 8:30 die aand uit Grafton vertrek, baie ure na die vertrek van Kelley. Reën het teen skemer begin val en die hele nag gestadig en swaar aangehou.

Terwyl hulle deur die gladde modder van die steil en onbekende pad gly, vloek hulle asem terwyl hulle oor rotse struikel en in 'boorgate' stap, word die manne met die grootste moontlike spoed vorentoe gestoot. Geen gesprek is toegelaat nie, maar in die rustye het die beamptes langs die toue verbygegaan, die manne gejuig en hulle met selfversekerde praatjies van oorwinning aangemoedig - miskien het hulle ook hul eie moed versterk, want hulle intelligensie het Porterfield met twee keer die aantal mans aangemeld hy het dit eintlik gehad, en dit was te veel om te hoop dat hy heeltemal verras kon word. Inteendeel, hy berei moontlik selfs dan 'n hinderlaag voor.

In werklikheid het Porterfield niks gedoen nie. Volgens die verhaal van een van sy mans, het die jongmense, reeds die middag tevore, 'n kringloop geneem en mev. McCleod en juffrou Johnson van die dorpie Pruntytown, naby Grafton, geleer van die voorgestelde aanval. onopgemerk, het daarin geslaag om na Philippi te ry met die skrikwekkende waarskuwing dat vyfhonderdhonderd mans op die stad marsjeer en in die nag daar sou kom. Die nuus het vinnig versprei, en die Konfederale kamp was gou gespanne van opgewondenheid, terwyl die hele stad in die grootste vrees gegooi is.

Alhoewel die verslag van die federale sterkte sterk oordrewe was, was Porterfield se mag, wat minder as duisend was, met honderd agt kavalleries, heeltemal onvoldoende om die situasie te hanteer. Sy manne, selfs sy veldoffisiere, was die rouste en mees onervare van rekrute, terwyl die wapens soos hulle bestaan ​​het uit 'n verskeidenheid pistole, haelgewere en ou vuurvlokkies, waarvoor daar geen patrone was nie, maar slegs los poeier en skote. Brandende, onbestrede brûe was 'n heel ander saak as om 'n aanval onder hierdie omstandighede te weerstaan. Porterfield het 'n konferensie met sy offisiere gehou, en daar is ooreengekom dat hul enigste hoop om gevangenskap te vermy 'n vinnige terugtrek was suidwaarts na Beverly, waar hy hoop om die wapens te vind wat hom nie by Philippi kon bereik nie. Hy het sy mans beveel om op 'n oomblik kennis te neem. Ure het verbygegaan, en steeds was die bevel om te trek nie gegee nie. Gerugte het versprei dat middernag die uur sou wees, maar middernag het verbygegaan, terwyl die rustelose mans, jonk en bang, slapeloos in die donker wag en luister na die reën. Porterfield, wat nog steeds huiwer, het geen moeite gedoen om sy voorposte te waarsku of te versterk nie, en selfs nie om vas te stel of hulle aan diens was nie. Eintlik was hulle dit nie, omdat hulle skuiling geneem het teen die reën.

So 'n ongelooflike vertraging in die uitreiking van onttrekkingsbevele was moontlik gebaseer op 'n optimistiese hoop dat reën die vyand sou stuit en hom die hele idee sou laat vaar. Die vyand het nie so iets gedink nie, maar het voortdurend gesukkel na 'n aanval wat tussen vier en vier-en-dertig uur die oggend van 3 Junie sou plaasvind.

Op 'n steil heuwel tot by die bedekte brug, het die snoek waarmee Lander Philippi genader het, 'n duidelike uitsig op die stad wat aan die oorkant van die rivier lê, sowel as die vyandelike kamp op 'n weiland naby die brug. Dit was op hierdie heuwel1 dat die twee stukke artillerie ter ondersteuning van die kolom gemonteer moes word terwyl dit oor die brug na die stad gevorder het, terwyl Kelley vermoedelik die stad sou omsingel, gelyktydig uit die teenoorgestelde rigting konvergeer en die snoek in die suidelike rigting versper. einde.

Daglig het aangebreek. Porterfield se plakkers, wat verbaas was, het 'n waarskuwing gegee oor die vyandelike benadering. Die eerste kennisgewing is ontvang toe skote van die Federale battery op die heuwel in die Konfederale kamp en die straat in die dorp begin val het. Die onopgeleide mans van Porterfield, wat reeds deur 'n nag van senuweespanning oorweldig is en geglo het dat hulle vasgekeer was, het heeltemal gedemoraliseer. Ten spyte van Porterfield se persoonlike koelte en sy pogings om dit in 'n skyn van gedissiplineerde orde te versamel, het hulle in die grootste verwarring gevlug. Met die weggooi van hul toerusting en selfs hul gewere, hardloop hulle deur die modderige strate in onbeheerbare paniek - baie te voet, sommige op perde - almal haas hulle om met die snoek na die suide te ontsnap. Gelukkig het die suidelike pad wat deur hulle geblokkeer was, deur 'n mislukking nog steeds nie oopgemaak nie, oop en onbelemmerd voor hulle gebly, terwyl Kelley per ongeluk die noordelike punt van die stad genader het.

Kolonel Lander het naby die battery op die heuwel gebly, solank sy onstuimige geaardheid dit toelaat, maar toe sy eerste regiment die brug bereik, kon hy nie langer bly nie, en sonder om langs die pad te probeer, jaag hy deur die swaar onderborsel van die steil heuwel in 'n prestasie van perdry wat so skouspelagtig is dat Leslie's Weekly het kort daarna 'n geïllustreerde weergawe daarvan gegee. Kolonel Kelley, wat bevel sou neem nadat die kolomme verenig was, was gretig om te midde van die aksie te wees, en ry voor sy kolom, en stap die stad binne op die oomblik dat kolonel Lander deur die brug kom. Saam met hom het hulle hul mans deur die dorp gelei op soek na die vlugtende Konfederate totdat kolonel Kelley, kritiek gewond, van sy perd geval het. Die toestand van die federale troepe, uitgeput nadat hulle die hele nag in reëndeurdrenkte klere en natgemaakte skoene opgeruk het, het enige agtervolging verder as 'n ent verder as die stad uitgesluit, hoewel kolonel Lander vorentoe galop en die soldaat wat Kelley geskiet het, persoonlik vasvang.

Die amptelike verslae van die verlowing, wat toegeskryf word aan die eerste landgeveg van die burgeroorlog, word beraam van vyftien tot veertig konfederate wat gedood is, baie wapens, waens, perde en mediese voorrade gevang en 'n paar gevangenes geneem. Die Federale het geen mans doodgemaak nie, en kolonel Kelley was die ernstigste gewond.

Daar is talle redes aangevoer waarom Kelley se plan om die pad te versper en Porterfield se ontsnapping te voorkom, nie gerealiseer het nie. Sommige sê dat dit 'n natuurlike fout was om die twee vurke wat na die snoek lei, deurmekaar te maak, en deur die eerste in plaas van die tweede te kies, om die stad in die noorde binne te gaan, in plaas van die suidelike buitewyke, sê ander dat 'n verraderlike gids hulle doelbewus op die pad gelei het verkeerde pad om die Konfederate 'n kans te gee om te ontsnap. Een teorie wat deur 'n soldaatverslag bevestig is, was dat Kelley sy mag verdeel het en kolonel Milroy vooraf gestuur het om die stad te omseil, terwyl hy die eerste afsnypunt geneem het om sy intrek naby kolonel Lander se kant te maak. Kolonel Milroy, met meer afstand om af te lê, het moontlik verward geraak oor die roete, verdwaal of het moontlik nie genoeg tyd toegelaat om sy aangewese plek te bereik op die uur wat vir die aanval geskeduleer was nie. Nog 'n ander verduideliking is die van 'n Konfederale soldaat in die verlowing - James Edward Hanger - wat jare later deur die federale artillerie -skutter, sersant Fahrion, meegedeel is dat die rede waarom Kelley se manne nie die Konfederale vlug kon onderskep nie, was omdat die aanval begin het voortydig as gevolg van 'n verkeerde sein. Die sein van Fahrion om met aksie te begin, was om 'n skoot om vier-dertig te wees, en gevolglik begin hy skiet. Die skoot was egter nie die teken nie, maar is afgevuur deur 'n vrou wat aan die buitewyke van Philippi gewoon het. Sy het uit haar venster na die verbygaande soldate gekyk, en skaars gewag dat hulle buite sig sou kom, het haar jong seun te voet begin om die stad te waarsku. Die seuntjie is byna dadelik gevang deur agterstanders wat hom as hul gevangene saamgedra het, en dit was op hulle dat die woedende ma die skoot afgevuur het wat deur die batterybevelvoerder gehoor is.

Wat die ware verduideliking ook al is, die Federals het dit gedoen nie kom om die vlug van hul vyand te blokkeer en om 'n konfederale debakel te voorkom wat selfs in amptelike rekords bekend gestaan ​​het as die 'Philippi Races', 'n skouspel wat openbare bespotting meegebring het, en aan generaal Porterfield ernstige kritiek en oordrag van bevel.

In Philippi, wat nou deur federale troepe beset is, was niks normaal nie. Die soldate was oral - in kerke, die meule, skure, leë huise en geboue, met die hofgebou in gebruik as 'n hospitaal. Amptenare het kwartale in private huise gevind, waar moeë vroue, wat eindeloos besig was om maaltye vir hulle voor te berei, bly genoeg was oor die ekstra geld, sonder om te weet watter dae van swaarkry hulle voorlê. Soldate neem wat hulle wil van die uitgeputte voorraad van die winkeltjies, en betaal wat hulle wil, of glad nie. Die brug en die paaie is almal bewaak, die klein vure van die wagte gloei in die koue van die nag - konstante herinneringe dat niemand vry is nie.

Occurring as the first skirmish of the war, the "Races" had been too easily won against a foe who had appeared in an ignominious light, and it is not surprising that the victors, though, for the most part, new and untried themselves, should exhibit an attitude of arrogance and contempt toward all "Secesh." Families of Confederate soldiers and sympathizers were suffering many trials, not only at the hands of the swaggering soldiers, but from certain of the townspeople, who, though not too loudly pro-Union before, now grew vehemently so, and, supported by the presence of the soldiers, felt free to abuse and supported by the presence of the soldiers, felt free to abuse and make threats. Some Confederate wives were able to secure passes through the lines, and with their children joined the army wagon trains that took them farther south. Others, who were less successfully, sought refuge in the countryside, away from the town, terrified by a wild rumor that thousands of Federal troops in Ohio had been ordered southward to destroy all property of Confederate sympathizers and to make an example of the people in this locality. One woman, the wife of a Confederate captain, therefore a conspicuous target for annoyances, left with friends a few pieces of her most cherished possession, followed the advice of a Federal officer, and packing such necessities as could be taken down river by rowboat, abandoned her comfortable home in the town and with her six young children, moved into a small log house on her husband's farm along the river below Philippi. There she hoped to be unnoticed and unmolested. Still under surveillance, however, her premises were frequently searched for cattle, horses, grain, food and clothing, or for any evidence of information or messages being sent through the lines to or from husband or relatives. Barns and haystacks were mysteriously burned. Bad news and unfavorable rumors were carefully relayed by specially sent passers-by in the hope of securing some revealing word or expression -- but such women learned to dissemble to a convincing degree. Sinking the wagon in the river, driving the one cow deep into the woods, trying to grow a crop and provide her children with food, she, like many another Confederate wife, lived cut off from friends and relatives, receiving no news, dreading what she failed to hear, more than the distorted tales she was told -- waiting for an occasional message or smuggled letter. Her vacated home in Philippi suffered the fate of similarly abandoned houses, and was at the mercy of soldiers and civilians. Keys meant nothing breaking a window or forcing a door was easy. The houses were occupied, damaged, left open to wind and weather shutters, porch railings, and fences were ripped off and used for kindling ornaments and furnishings were carried away or put up for sale. With money depreciating, absent Confederate soldiers were helpless against real or self-styled creditors, who made the most of disrupted conditions.

Time passed, and the maintenance of an army of occupation became more burdensome. Even the Union sympathizers who had welcomed the army's arrival were beginning to grow weary of the soldiers, and to long for the day when they would be gone. Food was growing scarce. Few people now had a cow or horse, chickens had disappeared, hams no longer hung in the attic and smokehouse, contents of flour and sugar barrels diminished. Young boys grew quiet and did not laugh so often. Their mothers talked to them in a grown-up way. They were the men of the family now. Little children learned to be wary and say "I don't know," when ingratiating soldiers asked questions about where their mamma kept the flour.

Christmas passed without happiness. Columns of men, not too warmly clad, still tramped through the village streets, now deep rutted from the heavy army wagons, and frozen in hard ridges. The Battle of Rich Mountain had occurred the engagement at Corrick's Ford and the decisive action at Carnifex Ferry. A few of the wounded had come home to stay, bringing with them the keepsakes of others who would never come.

Lonely women skimped and saved, shutting their minds to fear, praying, shedding their tears at night when none would know, bitterly recalling the early and confident assurances that it would all be over in a few months -- seeing again the faces of marching soldiers, their look of buoyancy lost, now settled into a weary grimness -- feeling hope give way before the growing certainty that it was only the beginning.


Battle of Philippi

(Preface):In the spring of 1861, Union forces rushed into northwestern Virginia to secure the vital Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, protect important turnpikes, and support Unionists against Confederates. The two sides fought numerous engagements between June and December. They included Philippi (the war's first land battle), Rich Mountain, Corricks Ford, Cheat Summit Fort, Carnifex Ferry, and Camp Allegheny. The many Union victories made Gen. George B. McClellan's reputation and damaged that of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee - a situation reversed in 1862. Despite later Confederate raids, today's West Virginia remained largely under Federal control for the rest of the war.

You are standing where Union guns opened up on Philippi on June 3, 1861, in the first land battle of the Civil War.

As Union forces attempted to secure the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at several points in the month before the battle, the Confederates moved quickly to post their own regiments along the line. Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee ordered Col. George A. Porterfield to raise troops in western Virginia. He reached Philippi on May 30, 1861, where Capt. Albert G. Reger had formed a company. On the same day, Union forces under Col. Benjamin F. Kelley arrived in Grafton, fifteen miles north. On June 2-3, the Federals advanced

on Philippi in two columns, one under Kelley and one under Col. Ebenezer Dumont, marching at night in a driving rain.

Dumont arrived first and ordered Col. James B. Steedman to post two six-pounder cannons here on Talbott Hill and then await the signal (a pistol shot) to open fire once the other column was in position. Supposedly, a nearby resident, Mrs. Matilda Humphreys, sent her youngest son, Newton Humphreys, to alert the Confederates. She fired her pistol when Union soldiers intervened and the gunners, thinking it was the prearranged signal, shelled Philippi before Kelley s column arrived.

Col. Frederick W. Lander led Dumont s troops down Talbott s Hill and across the covered bridge in a charge, with Lander pelting down the muddy slope on his horse at breakneck speed. The Confederates fled. The battle resulted in only a few wounded none were killed.

Erected by West Virginia Civil War Trails.

Onderwerpe en reekse. Hierdie historiese merker word in hierdie onderwerplys gelys: Oorlog, Amerikaanse burger. In addition, it is included in the West Virginia Civil War Trails series list. A significant historical date for this entry is May 30, 1861.

Ligging. 39° 9.486′ N, 80° 2.838′ W. Marker is in Philippi, West Virginia, in Barbour County. Marker is on Circle Drive East, on the right when traveling north.

The marker is located on the Campus of Alderson Broaddus College. Raak vir kaart. Marker is in this post office area: Philippi WV 26416, United States of America. Raak vir aanwysings.


First Blood at Philippi

Philippi after the War. Quiet returned, but various markers were soon erected. Library of Congress

Attempts by both warring parties to establish control of the strategically and politically important counties of western Virginia constituted one of the war’s first sustained campaigns.

“Daring Ride of Col. Lander.” The untrained Confederate soldiers retreated from the Federal attack so fast that the battle received the name “The Philippi Races.” Library of Congress, Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper

Fighting at Philippi in Barbour County on June 3, 1861, was the first organized land battle of the war. Union troops had been ordered to the vicinity to secure the critical river crossings and rail junctions. Confederate units in the area recruiting troops for Southern service concentrated at Philippi as Union columns advanced from the north and west.

Once Federal troops had arrived in strength, they implemented a two-pronged assault on the untrained and ill-equipped Confederates. Some 1,600 Northerners from Indiana, Ohio and western Virginia boarded an eastbound train on June 2, disembarking at Thornton and marching back toward Philippi under cover of darkness. Meanwhile, a detachment some 1,400 strong would march directly south on the town, arriving in time for a coordinated dual attack.

Despite their overnight marches in poor conditions, both Union forces arrived in position at the appointed hour. But when a Southern-sympathizing civilian witnessed soldiers accosting her son, she fired a pistol at them — inadvertently issuing what had been the pre-arranged signal for the assault prematurely. Still, the Confederates were unprepared to mount a defense and quickly retreated, revealing that the troops who had marched west from the railway were positioned on the wrong road and unable to block the movement.

Casualties from this “first battle” were light, just four for the Union and 26 for the Confederacy, but the engagement had lasting effects. Coming only days before the Second Wheeling Convention, it played a significant role in ensuring that body’s nullification of the Order of Secession. The fight also resulted in what are believed to be the first field amputations of the war. One victim, James Hanger, designed himself an artificial leg so effective it was later patented and became the foundation of the Hanger Orthopedic Group, which today remains a market leader in the manufacture of artificial limbs.

Philippi after the War. Quiet returned, but various markers were soon erected. Library of Congress


The Battle of Philippi

As June began, a Federal force commanded by Colonel Benjamin F. Kelley occupied Grafton, a key western Virginia town where the Virginia Railroad joined the Baltimore & Ohio line to Parkersburg. A second force under Colonel James B. Steedman was coming up to reinforce Kelley from Clarksburg, and a third force under Brigadier General Thomas A. Morris was coming up as well from the northwest. A small Confederate force led by Colonel George A. Porterfield had abandoned Grafton and was withdrawing to the small village of Philippi, 15 miles south.

Virginia Governor John Letcher had assigned Porterfield to defend Grafton, but Porterfield’s force had dwindled from 1,500 to just 773 effectives, and the combined Federal units approaching them numbered about 3,000. The Federal advance featured forced night marches over steep hills, ravines, and roads turned to mud by heavy rain. The region’s narrow valleys often channeled the runoff, turning streams into nearly impassable lakes. The Federals made remarkable progress considering they had only been in service for a month and had no experience moving through such harsh terrain.

Kelley had been planning an attack on Porterfield’s Confederates via a flanking maneuver. Morris, the ranking Federal field commander, arrived at Grafton with his vanguard on the 1st and consulted with Kelley on his attack plan. Morris agreed to attack, and devised a two-pronged maneuver in which one 1,500-man column would assault the Confederates head-on while another 1,500 went around Porterfield’s flank to cut off his line of retreat. The strategy was good, but whether raw recruits could pull it off was questionable.

On the morning of the 2nd, the flanking column, led by Kelley, boarded a train and headed east to trick the Confederates into thinking they were going to attack Harpers Ferry. The train stopped at Thornton, and from there the Federals began a 22-mile march around Porterfield’s flank at Philippi. The deception failed, as pro-Confederate residents of Grafton hurried south to warn Porterfield that the Federals were about to attack him with overwhelming numbers.

Porterfield gathered his officers in a council of war to discuss their options. Nearly every officer advised retreat. Porterfield prepared orders to fall back to Beverly, 35 miles south, but there was heavy rain, making such a movement very difficult. Porterfield did not expect the Federals to be able to move upon him in such bad weather and decided to wait until the rains stopped. Scouts assured Porterfield that no forces could possibly approach, and so Porterfield did not deploy pickets to monitor the perimeter around Philippi.

The two Federal columns moved through the night to get into attack positions. Kelley’s flanking column moved south from Thornton, on the same side of the Tygart Valley River at Philippi, and was to move on the town from the south. The second column, led by Colonel Ebenezer Dumont, moved south on the Beverly-Fairmont Turnpike to attack the Confederates head-on. Dumont’s column was in position to attack by 4 a.m. on the 3rd. But Kelley’s force had gotten lost and ended up north of Philippi instead of south.

The battle was supposed to have begun when Colonel Kelley fired a shot from his pistol. But a local Confederate sympathizer, Mrs. Thomas Humphreys, saw the Federals approaching and sent her 12-year-old son Oliver out on horseback to warn the Confederates. When Federal soldiers stopped the boy, his mother fired a pistol at them. Colonel Frederick Lander, commanding the Federal cannon on Talbot Hill, thought that the shot had come from Kelley and ordered the artillerymen to open fire. The battle began prematurely.

The Federals caught the Confederates by complete surprise nonetheless. The shells landed among the Confederate tents and sent many of the troops in a panicked retreat. Dumont’s Federals crossed the covered bridge leading into Philippi and began firing on the few Confederates opting to stay and fight. They too quickly fell back. Porterfield tried to rally his men, but when that failed, he directed them to fall back to Beverly as he had planned the night before.

Lander rode his horse down Talbot Hill to join the fight, and he soon met up with Kelley. Kelley could not cut the Confederate line of retreat because his men were out of position, but he and Lander directed the troops to pursue the enemy. Kelley became one of the two Federal casualties in the battle when a Confederate shot him while retreating. The soldier was captured and made a prisoner of war. The Confederates suffered 15 casualties, including Private James E. Hanger, who became the first one of the first soldiers to undergo a field amputation when his leg was removed. Hanger made himself a wooden leg while recuperating, and later went on to patent the “Hanger Limb” for other wartime amputees. After the war, Hanger founded what became known as the Hanger Orthopedic Group, one of the main manufacturers of artificial limbs in the U.S.

This was the first organized land battle of the war, and though it was just a minor engagement, it cleared the Kanawha Valley of organized Confederate resistance and secured the B&O line for the Federals. The northern press, starving for military success, hailed it as a tremendous victory and dubbed it the “Philippi Races.” The Unionist Wheeling Intelligencer, resentful of elitist eastern Virginians, reported: “The chivalry couldn’t stand. They scattered like rats from a burning barn.”

Much of the praise for the Federal victory went not to the commanders on the scene but to Major General George B. McClellan, the overall department commander who directed the Federal advance into western Virginia from his Cincinnati headquarters. McClellan took full credit for the success and began garnering a reputation as a great commander, despite having no direct involvement in the strategy or execution of the attack. But the victory played into his overarching strategy to protect Unionists in western Virginia, secure the B&O line, and open a route through the Alleghenies into eastern Virginia.

The residents of Philippi, most of whom were secessionists, had fled with their valuables prior to the engagement. When the Federals entered the town, they ransacked many homes, tore down secessionist flags, and destroyed the presses of the secessionist newspaper Barbour Jeffersonian. A journalist from the Cincinnati Times noted: “The village bears more than any other I have seen, the ruinous effect of the war. Many of the houses have been sacked and maliciously damaged. Not the half of them are now occupied, the inhabitants having fled. It was a rabid secession town, and the women yet lean strongly that way.”


Slag

Col. Kelley devised a two-prong attack against the Confederate force in Philippi, approved by Gen. Morris on his arrival in Grafton on June 1. The principal advance would be 1,600 men led by Kelley himself and would include six companies of his own regiment, nine of the 9th Indiana Infantry Regiment under Col. Robert H. Milroy, and six of the 16th Ohio Infantry. In order to deceive the enemy into thinking the objective was Harpers Ferry, they departed by train to the east. They disembarked at the small village of Thornton and marched south on a back road on the same side of the river as Philippi, intending to arrive at the rear of the town.

Meanwhile, the 7th Indiana under Col. Ebenezer Dumont was sent to Webster, about 3.5 miles southwest of Grafton. They would unite with the 6th Indiana under Col. Thomas T. Crittenden and the 14th Ohio under Col. Steedman. The column, with a total of 1,400 men under Col. Dumont, would march directly south from Webster on the Turnpike. In this way, the Union force would execute a double envelopment of the outnumbered Confederates.

On June 2, the Union columns set off to converge on Philippi. After an overnight march in rainy weather, both arrived at Philippi before dawn the following morning. Morris had planned a predawn assault to be signaled by a pistol shot. The green Confederate volunteers had failed to establish picket lines for perimeter security, choosing instead to escape the cold rain and stay inside their tents. A Confederate sympathizer, Mrs. Thomas Humphreys, saw the approaching Union troops and sent her young son on horseback to warn the Confederates. As Mrs. Humphreys watched, she saw Union pickets capture her son and fired her pistol at them. She missed, but her shots began the attack prematurely.

The Union attackers began firing their artillery, which awakened the Confederates from their slumber. Those who were armed fired a few shots at the advancing bluecoats, then Southerners broke and began running to the south, some still in their pajamas. This caused Union journalists to refer to the battle as the &ldquoRaces at Philippi&rdquo. Dumont&rsquos soldiers entered the town from the bridge, but Kelley&rsquos column had arrived from the north on the wrong road and were unable to block the Confederate retreat. Kelley himself was shot while pursuing some of the retreating Confederates, but Col. Lander chased down and captured the man who shot Kelley. The Confederates retreated to Huttonsville, about 45 miles to the south.


Battle Of Philippi Articles From History Net

Account of the Battle Of Philippi

On the morning of May 14, 1861, Confederate Colonel George A. Porterfield of Charles Town, Virginia, stepped off the train from Harpers Ferry at Grafton. He had been ordered to the town by General Robert E. Lee, who assured Porterfield that he would be greeted by 5,000 Virginians who were rushing to enlist in the Confederate Army and by trained militia from nearby counties. With these troops, and the arms and supplies furnished by the War Department in Richmond, he was to capture and hold the railroad north to Wheeling and southwest to Parkersburg, both important points on the Ohio River.

Article On Philippi, the first battle of the civil war.

On the night of June 2, 1861, and into the early hours of the next morning, thunderstorms lashed the mountains of northwestern Virginia and drenched the little town of Philippi&mdashnamed not for the Macedonian city of antiquity, but for Philip Pendleton Barbour&mdasha former Supreme Court justice and states’ rights advocate. Some maps showed it as Phillipa.


Union Commander

Reacting to the loss of the railroad bridge at Farmington, VA, McClellan dispatched Colonel Benjamin F. Kelley's 1st (Union) Virginia Infantry along with a company of the 2nd (Union) Virginia Infantry from their base at Wheeling. Moving south, Kelley's command united with Colonel James Irvine's 16th Ohio Infantry and advanced to secure the key bridge over the Monongahela River at Fairmont. Having accomplished this goal, Kelley pressed south to Grafton. As Kelley moved through central western Virginia, McClellan ordered the second column, under Colonel James B. Steedman, to take Parkersburg before moving on to Grafton.

Opposing Kelley and Steedman was Colonel George A. Porterfield's force of 800 Confederates. Assembling at Grafton, Porterfield's men were raw recruits that had recently rallied to the flag. Lacking the strength to confront the Union advance, Porterfield ordered his men to retreat south to the town of Philippi. Approximately seventeen miles from Grafton, the town possessed a key bridge over the Tygart Valley River and sat on the Beverly-Fairmont Turnpike. With the Confederate withdrawal, Kelley's men entered Grafton on May 30.


The First Battle Of The Civil War – Philippi *

*Note on Philippi, the Civil War’s First Battle Inland: Many people ask, “What was the first battle of the Civil War?” The answers that are often given are ‘The Battle Of First Bull Run’ or ‘Fort Sumter.’ Chronologically, Fort Sumpter was the first battle, but it consisted of only a bombardment. And though the battle of First Bull Run was the first hoofvak battle of the civil war, the battle of Philippi, which took place over a month earlier, still involved almost 4,000 soldiers, and therefore can arguably be considered the first battle of the American Civil War.

An Omen at Philippi
Flaws in the Confederate strategy were evident in the Civil War’s first brief land battle

On the night of June 2, 1861, and into the early hours of the next morning, thunderstorms lashed the mountains of northwestern Virginia and drenched the little town of Philippi—named not for the Macedonian city of antiquity, but for Philip Pendleton Barbour—a former Supreme Court justice and states’ rights advocate. Some maps showed it as Phillipa.

Flashes of lightning reflected off the Tygart River, the town’s western boundary, illuminating a covered bridge spanning its steep banks, and a handful of tents pitched nearby. Rain drummed on wagons loaded with supplies and accoutrements of war in the streets. About 800 Confederate volunteers were encamped among the community’s 300 or so residents, but they would be leaving soon. Their commander knew thousands of Federal troops planned to attack, and his untrained warriors lacked adequate weapons or ammunition. Even tents were in short supply. Men slept in barns, private homes and public buildings.

The plank floor of a schoolhouse near the town’s southeast corner did not make for restful sleep, and shortly after 4 a.m., Lieutenant David Poe of Virginia’s Letcher Guards gave up and walked outside. The rain had ended, but as he stood in the mist and fog, he heard a hollow boom. The accompanying flash seemed to come from the steep slope of Talbott Hill just across the Tygart. A second flash and boom convinced Poe that a different kind of storm had arrived in Philippi.

The first inland engagement of the Civil War had begun.

After resigning his commission in the U.S. Army, Maj. Gen. Robert E. Lee took command of Virginia’s military and naval forces. He had to defend an area stretching from the Atlantic Coast to the Ohio River, but Lee quickly focused significant attention on protecting the northwest—or more precisely, the crucial Baltimore & Ohio Railroad that ran across Virginia from Harpers Ferry to Wheeling. Farther down the Ohio River from Wheeling, the Northwestern Virginia Railroad traveled east from Parkersburg to join the B&O at Grafton.

Lee sent Colonel Thomas Jackson—not yet known as “Stonewall”—to take command at Harpers Ferry and telegraphed militia commanders at Wheeling and Weston to muster in volunteers to protect the railroads. He expected five regiments, more than 3,000 volunteers, would rally to Virginia’s flag from the area between Grafton and the Ohio.

Three hundred would have been closer to reality.

Long-strained relations between east and west Virginia were at a breaking point. The state’s political system favored areas with large plantations and slaves over the mountainous northwest, with its economic ties to Northern river cities and its many supporters of abolition. With a statewide vote pending on whether Virginia should secede from the Union, westerners planned to meet May 13 at Wheeling to work on defeating secession—or, failing that, to consider forming a separate state. Still, Lee could not believe “any citizen of the State will betray its interests.”

On May 4, Lee had ordered Colonel George A. Porterfield, a Virginia Military Institute graduate and Mexican War veteran, to Grafton to organize the expected army of volunteers and protect both rail lines. Arms and ammunition would be sent from Staunton and Harpers Ferry, but Lee felt sending reinforcements from other parts of the state would not be “prudent,” as locals might resent them.

At Grafton, Porterfield discovered Unionists had driven out his few volunteers, who were at Fetterman, five miles away. Other companies loyal to his cause were organizing in Marion, Harrison and other nearby counties, however, and troops were gathering at Philippi, some 25 miles away, where a secessionist flag flew over Barbour County’s courthouse.

But what he found at Philippi appalled him. It was as if a flock of geese had decided to play soldier, honking and stumbling about—and those were the officers.

The men couldn’t march properly. Their weapons ranged from pistols to antiquated squirrel rifles. Porterfield would need months to fashion an effective force.

On April 23, the same day Lee took charge of Virginia’s military, the War Department in Washington had received a telegram from Ohio. George B. McClellan proudly announced Ohio’s governor had placed him in charge of all state troops, but complained that he was “in the position of a commander with nothing but men—neither arms nor supplies.” He asked for 10,000 modern rifles and 5 million cartridges so he could thoroughly drill his recruits. Within days, the War Department placed McClellan in charge of the Department of the Ohio, soon expanded to encompass Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Kentucky, a smidgen of Pennsylvania and all of Virginia north of the Big Kanawha River and west of the Greenbrier. But Winfield Scott, commander in chief of the Army, did not deem it expedient to entrust McClellan’s 90-day enlistees with the best weapons, which would likely disappear when the men went home.

Scott wasn’t providing weapons to the pro-Union Virginia troops organizing on Wheeling Island, either. The 1st Virginia Infantry (Union), commanded by Colonel Benjamin Franklin Kelley, had 1,000 men by mid-May. Unionists were forming a second regiment in Wheeling, but until Virginians voted for or against secession, the War Department was maintaining neutrality in the state. McClellan may have sent some old flintlocks, but Virginia’s ambiguous status and the federal government’s non-interference policy limited what he could do. To arm the men at Wheeling, residents of nearby Wellsburg finally arranged through Governor John Andrew of Massachusetts to purchase some old Springfield muskets.

Meanwhile, on the night of May 22, one of Porterfield’s pickets, Private Daniel W. Knight, exchanged shots on a bridge at Fetterman with Thornbury Bailey Brown, a private in the pro-Union Grafton Guards. Knight was hit in the ear, but Brown fell dead, reputedly the war’s first fatality in a fight between soldiers.

The next day, Virginians voted 125,950 to 20,373 to officially leave the Union. Votes from 34 western counties were never counted. On May 24, Porterfield occupied Grafton with fewer than 500 men. A letter from Virginia’s governor, John Letcher, suggested that he “take a train some night, run up to Wheeling, and seize the arms sent recently to that place.”

Porterfield may have muttered some choice words about Letcher’s ignorance of his situation, but he followed the governor’s suggestion to destroy railroad bridges to forestall any attempted Federal movements.

With Virginia’s election over, the War Department telegraphed McClellan urging him to counteract Porterfield’s move.

On May 26, McClellan ordered Kelley to move by train to repair and secure bridges with the support of the 16th Ohio Infantry. McClellan then issued a proclamation addressed to “the Union Men of Western Virginia.”

“I have ordered troops to cross the river,” McClellan wrote. “They come as your friends and brothers.” They would not interfere with slavery, McClellan assured Virginians, and would crush “with an iron hand” any attempt at slave insurrection. John Brown’s failed attempt at a slave rebellion in Harpers Ferry in 1859 still hung over Virginia’s slave owners like a threatening storm.

Around 4 a.m. on May 27, Kelley’s men boarded a train at Wheeling—after he threatened to jail the B&O representative if he didn’t provide cars. They rebuilt the Mannington bridge that night, secured nearby Fairmont the next day, and by June 1 were in Grafton. But the Rebels had in the meantime returned to Philippi. Sympathizers in the telegraph office informed Porterfield that 1,500 Union troops were on the way, and he knew he had no hope of holding the town. No arsenal was going to send its best firearms to him. At Harpers Ferry, Jackson was forced to pay $5 apiece to buy back muskets for his own use that had been distributed to local militia before he arrived. The arsenal at Richmond had just 9,363 firearms, 6,700 of which were obsolete flintlock muskets and pistols.

Porterfield received what he later described as “1,000 rusty muskets,” a smattering of ammunition and some barrels of loose powder. Worse, most of the percussion caps sent to him were for shotguns, too large for the nipples on muskets. In short, he had nearly useless firearms and about 600 infantry and 175 mounted troops, including some recently arrived from the Shenandoah area. “If it had been intended to sacrifice me, I could not have expected less support than what I have had,” he complained.

And if that weren’t enough, Porterfield learned on June 2 that the Federals were on the march. Mrs. George Whitescarver of Pruntytown, a Confederate spy whose husband was a private under Porterfield, provided the colonel with details of a planned two-pronged attack to cut his line of retreat. One attack column had left Grafton that morning. At a council of war that afternoon, Porterfield vented his anger about how he had been “ill-used by my State.” Criticized for withdrawing from Grafton, he intended to hold Philippi as long as possible.

His officers, however, had already voted to leave. Some companies had just five percussion caps per man one had even less. Without cartridge boxes, the men carried their powder in their pockets where perspiration and rain dampened it. Even if they entrenched on the hills outside town, they were only equipped for a 15-minute fight. Nevertheless, Porterfield declared there would be no retreat before morning. If attacked, the men were to make an orderly withdrawal to Beverly, 25 miles away and higher in the Allegheny Mountains.

Around twilight, when Mrs. Whitescarver’s report was confirmed, Porterfield changed his orders. The retreat would begin at midnight unless there was rain. If it rained, the infantry pickets were to come in at midnight if not, they would stay on guard until 2 a.m. The cavalry would remain on patrol.

Those were ambiguous orders for troops he’d already assessed as untrained rabble. Most of the cavalry, disobeying their orders, returned around midnight. The infantry pickets had already come in to escape the rain. Nobody told Porterfield.

The storms began between 8 and 10 p.m. The dousing rains, deafening thunder and frequent lightning prompted one Confederate captain to observe, “Hell, any army that would march on a night like this must be made up of damned fools.”

Even as he spoke, two columns of “damned fools” were slogging their way toward Philippi. McClellan had sent Brig. Gen. Thomas Morris of the Indiana militia to take charge at Grafton. Two Ohio and two Indiana regiments, plus the 1st Ohio Light Artillery, were on their way by train from Parkersburg.

Morris had Kelley postpone his planned attack until those reinforcements arrived, to permit a double envelopment. Colonel Ebenezer Dumont of the 7th Indiana Volunteer Infantry would take one column to engage the Rebels from the west and “divert attention until the [main] attack is made by Colonel Kelley,” who would strike from the southeast with six companies of the 1st (West) Virginia, nine of the 9th Indiana and six from the 16th Ohio—about 1,600 men total. The two widely separated columns were to arrive simultaneously at Philippi at 4 a.m. With no line of communication between them, a pistol shot from Kelley would be the signal for the battle to begin.

On the morning of June 2, Kelley’s men boarded an eastbound train under the guise of going to capture Harpers Ferry they debarked instead at Thorn­ton, seven miles from Grafton and east of the Tygart River, and began a 25-mile march that would bring them into Philippi from the south.

Captain Robert MacFeely described the march: “Wagons containing blankets, coats, and one day’s rations are behind. A scanty dinner from farmers. Camped at 10 p.m. nine miles from Philippi. Wagons still behind, no supper. Commenced to rain terribly. Men hungry, tired, wet and complaining a great deal.” Some exhausted men fell asleep marching. Like their opponents, few had cartridge boxes, and they carried their loads in the pockets of their drenched clothing.

Near Dantown, Kelley chose the wrong route, which he blamed on a secessionist guide he’d impressed into service. Instead of coming in behind the Rebels, his men would arrive at the same place as Colonel Dumont’s diversionary force.

At 8:30 p.m., Dumont and eight companies of the 7th Indiana took a train southwest from Grafton to Webster to join companies of the 6th Indiana, 14th and 15th Ohio, and two 6-pounder cannons of the 1st Ohio Light Artillery. They began their 15-mile march toward Philippi with Lieutenant Benjamin Ricketts of the 7th Indiana carrying a lantern—under protest—to light the way. Despite the downpours, they made the last five miles in an hour and 15 minutes, according to Dumont. Exhausted men fell out along the way. The cannons were positioned on Talbott Hill.

The noise of infantry coming up the hill awakened Matilda Humphreys, who had a son among the troops in town. She awoke a younger son, Oliver, and put him on a horse to go warn his brother. The Federals pulled Oliver to the ground. His mother assailed them with sticks, rocks and fists and put the boy back on his horse. They dragged him off again. She pulled out a pistol she had concealed, and fired. She missed—but the cannoneers assumed her shot was Kelley’s signal and yanked a lanyard. Moments later the second piece fired. It was 4:20 a.m.

In the town, Lieutenant Poe heard the cannon, alerted his commander and began forming up the Letcher Guards.

Captain D.A. Stofer, about to change the guard near the covered bridge, stepped outside when he heard the guns. He saw armed men 500 yards away, coming down Talbott Hill. Another group, about equidistant, approached along the graveyard road—in spite of everything, Kelley’s men had arrived within a half-hour of the specified time, albeit in the wrong place. Stofer told the guards to save themselves, then went to rouse the sleeping army.

With virtually no one contesting them, the 7th Indiana rushed across the bridge and were just outside of town, but Dumont held back the rest of his command. For political reasons, Kelley’s western Virginians were supposed to be the first to seize the bridge.

Colonel Porterfield awoke at the home of a Mrs. Strickler and calmly got dressed. He walked to the Barbour House inn where his official quarters were, saddled up his horse and rode toward a line of men at the north end of the street. Realizing they weren’t his, he turned and rode slowly back the way he’d come.

The town was bedlam. Porterfield’s soldiers rushed to and fro. Mounted cavalry and terrified, riderless horses galloped through the streets. Civilians ran for the wooded hillsides. One frightened woman reportedly left her baby in its cradle when she fled.

A cannonball ricocheted into a barn where the Churchville Cavalry had been sleeping and slammed into James E. Hanger’s leg. The Rebel private had only arrived in Philippi on June 1. He had volunteered for a company at Washington College in Lexington, but his mother disapproved and asked him to join two of his brothers in the Churchville Cavalry. Federals found him in the barn four hours after he was wounded, and Dr. James D. Robinson, surgeon of the 16th Ohio, performed what was likely the first amputation of the war.

Most of Porterfield’s companies marched out of town on the Beverly road, in more or less orderly fashion until the Churchville Cavalry fled pell-mell through their column. The riders stopped a half-mile from town and formed a rear guard.

Colonel Kelley led three companies of Federals up Main Street. Near the south end of town a pistol shot thudded into his right breast moments later he toppled from the saddle. The wound appeared fatal, but he recovered and was promoted to brigadier general.

The retreating Rebels left behind a half-dozen full wagons and their surgeon’s medical tools, but only five of their men were captured, including the injured Hanger. Hungry, exhausted Federals did not pursue.

The “first land battle of the Civil War” lasted perhaps 30 minutes. Both sides inflated the number of enemy troops and casualties, but fewer than a dozen men were wounded, and there were no fatalities. Northerners proclaimed it a rout, “the Philippi races.” Southerners said most of Porterfield’s men left in good order, in accordance with his plans. Both were partially correct.

Based on the Philippi victory and another at nearby Rich Mountain on July 11, McClellan was given command of the Army of the Potomac, the Union’s largest army. Porterfield was acquitted by a board of inquiry that praised what he’d done with meager resources but chastised his “want of forethought and vigilance.” Relegated to staff positions, he saw his military career end a year later when he was captured and paroled.

Small though the skirmish on the Tygart was, it contained nearly all the elements that would determine the war’s outcome, including the North’s effective use of rail transit. In western Virginia—which would become West Virginia in 1863—Southern leaders displayed the myopia that characterized their every attempt to reclaim territory they regarded as home to patriotic Southerners who would swell their ranks by the thousands if liberated from “the heel of Yankee oppression.” In Maryland, Kentucky and elsewhere, the expected tidal wave of volunteers never materialized, nor were provisions ever made to arm and equip those volunteers to secure the “liberated” territory.

Tenacity, terrain and frequently daring leadership would keep the dream of a Southern Confederacy alive for four bloody years, but its epitaph was already written at the war’s first battle, Philippi: Too few trying to defend too much with too little, fighting against a people in whom the bonds of Union had become too strong to sever.

Gerald D. Swick is senior Web editor for World History Group and the author of Historic Photos of West Virginia.


Battle of Philippi

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Battle of Philippi, (3 and 23 October 42 bce ). The climactic battle in the war that followed the assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 bce , Philippi saw the final destruction of those who favored the old Republican constitution of Rome. The battle was a brutal killing match with much confusion and little generalship on either side.

Caesar loyalists Mark Antony, Octavian Caesar, and Marcus Lepidus formed a triumvirate. They seized control of Rome and the empire’s western provinces, then set off to defeat Caesar’s killers, Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cassius, who had joined with other opponents of Caesar—the optimates—in raising the eastern provinces of the empire.

In late September, Antony and Octavian found the enemy, led by Brutus and Cassius, entrenched in the gap between an impassable marsh and unscalable cliffs near Philippi in Greece. On 3 October, Antony and Octavian launched a frontal assault. Octavian’s troops were repulsed in disorder, and Brutus captured his camp. Antony broke through Cassius’s defenses, but had to pull back to aid Octavian. Cassius, however, committed suicide thinking that his army had lost the battle. Brutus took over command of Cassius’s forces and the fighting ended inconclusively. Antony then began building a fortified causeway across the marsh to outflank Brutus’s defenses.

On 23 October, Brutus launched an assault on the causeway, which developed into a general action between the armies. The confined space between marsh and mountain did not allow the cavalry to play much role, so the infantry slogged it out at close quarters. Eventually Brutus’s army broke and ran. Brutus pulled about a third of his army back in good order, but Antony’s cavalry surrounded them. Brutus committed suicide, and his men surrendered.

Losses: Triumvirate, unknown of 100,000 Brutus and Cassius, unknown, although all survivors surrendered and the army of 100,000 ceased to exist.