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Afdeling van die Tweede Triumviraat

Afdeling van die Tweede Triumviraat



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Tweede Triumviraat

Triumvir of tresvir: lid van 'n kollege van drie lede. Die uitdrukking word meestal gebruik om die eerste triumviraat (60 vC Pompeius die Grote, Crassus en Julius Caesar) en die tweede triumviraat (43 vC Mark Antony, Lepidus en Octavianus) te beskryf.

Nadat Caesar doodgemaak is, het Mark Antony die republiek beheer, maar hy moes sake doen met die moordenaars, Brutus en Cassius. Hy het hulle goewerneurs van provinsies in die ooste gemaak. Die aangenome seun van Caesar, Octavian, het dit egter te vriendelik gevind, en deur die woede van Caesar se veterane te benut, het hy 'n oorlog begin teen Antony, wat in Modena in Noord -Italië verslaan is. Na sy oorwinning keer Octavianus terug na Rome, eis konsulskap en verras die wêreld met die totstandkoming van 'n alliansie met. Mark Antony. Hierdie merkwaardige volte-gesig is ontwerp deur Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, soos Antony, 'n voormalige generaal in die leër van Caesar. Hy word die derde lid van die Tweede Triumviraat, wat in 43 November deur die Volksvergadering erken is (Lex Titia).

Die triumviri rei publicae constituendae ("raad van drie om die staat te herbou") het die magte van 'n diktator aanvaar en verskeie maatreëls getref

  • die teregstelling van 4700 opponente (bv. Cicero)
  • grondrekeninge om plase aan die veterane van Caesar te gee (die inwoners van agtien stede is sonder enige vergoeding uit hul huise weggestuur)
  • oorlog teen die moordenaars van Caesar, wat in Philippi verslaan is
  • maatreëls teen die senaat, insluitend die aanstelling van alle landdroste.

Diegene wat teen die regime was, het hul toevlug gevind op Sicilië, waar 'n seun van Pompeius die Grote, Sextus, verset georganiseer het. In 36 is hy in 'n vlootgeveg verslaan deur Lepidus en Octavianus (en Octavianus se admiraal Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa), en Octavianus het Lepidus van sy magte ontneem.

Mark Antony, wat in beheer van die ooste was en verlief geraak het op Cleopatra, is in 31 in die seestryd van Actium verslaan. Van nou af was Octavianus alleenheerser vanaf 27, hy noem homself Augustus ("die verhewe").

Die mees indrukwekkende verslag van hierdie jare is die Geskiedenis van die burgeroorloë deur Appianus van Alexandrië, waarskynlik die mees onderskatte historikus uit die oudheid.


Inhoud

Die eerste keer dat die bestaan ​​van so 'n kommissie na die res van die wêreld uitgefiltreer is, was in 1965 tydens die ondersoek na die Eerste Mafiaoorlog deur regter Cesare Terranova. Terranova het homself gegrond op 'n vertroulike verslag van die Carabinieri van 28 Mei 1963, waar 'n vertroulike informant die bestaan ​​van 'n kommissie onthul het wat bestaan ​​uit vyftien persone - ses uit die stad Palermo en die res uit die dorpe in die provinsie - "elkeen met die rang van baas van 'n groep of 'n Mafia -familie." Regter Terranova het nie geglo dat die bestaan ​​van 'n kommissie beteken dat die maffia 'n streng verenigde struktuur is nie. [3] In 1973 het Leonardo Vitale-'n laer vlak Mafioso-die bestaan ​​van die Kommissie onthul, maar sy onthullings is destyds weggegooi en Vitale is kranksinnig beoordeel. [4]

Die bestaan ​​van die kommissie is eers tydens die Maxi-verhoor in 1986-87 deur 'n hof vasgestel. Die grondslag vir die Maxi -verhoor is gedoen tydens die voorlopige ondersoekfase deur die Antimafia -swembad van Palermo, geskep deur regter Rocco Chinnici, waarin die beoordelaars Giovanni Falcone en Paolo Borsellino ook gewerk het. [5] Dit was Tommaso Buscetta wat die bestaan ​​en werking van die Kommissie finaal onthul het toe hy 'n staatsgetuie geword het en begin getuienis lewer aan regter Giovanni Falcone in 1984. Dit het Falcone in staat gestel om aan te voer dat Cosa Nostra 'n verenigde hiërargiese struktuur is deur 'n kommissie en dat sy leiers - wat gewoonlik nie hul hande met kriminele dade sou vuil maak nie - verantwoordelik gehou kan word vir kriminele aktiwiteite wat tot voordeel van die organisasie was.

Die bestaan ​​en werking van die kommissie is bevestig deur die eerste graad skuldigbevinding. Die Mafia is geïdentifiseer met die Cosa Nostra -organisasie en het 'n unieke, piramidale en top -tipe organisasie gedefinieer, provinsiaal onder leiding van 'n kommissie of Cupola en regionaal deur 'n interprovinsiale organisme, waarin die hoof van die Palermo -kommissie 'n hegemoniese rol speel. [5] Hierdie uitgangspunt het bekend gestaan ​​as die Buscetta -stelling. Die visie van Cosa Nostra is nie onmiddellik herken nie. Ander landdroste, veral Corrado Carnevale - ook bekend as die Sinemoordenaar - van die Hooggeregshof (Corte di Cassazione), het volgehou dat Mafia -verenigings outonome groepe is, wat nie onderling verbind is nie, en dat die gesamentlike verantwoordelikheid vir die lede van die Kommissie nie bestaan ​​nie. Carnevale se standpunt het gegeld in die appèl van die Maxi -verhoor, maar op die stelling is dit bevestig deur die finale vonnis van die Hooggeregshof in Januarie 1992. (Carnevale was nie die voorsitter van die hof wat die beslissing geneem het nie). Intussen is die Antimafia -poel van Palermo afgebreek en is regter Rocco Chinnici in 1983 vermoor.

Baie Mafia -base is tot lewenslange tronkstraf veroordeel en Cosa Nostra het woedend gereageer en 'n reeks wraakmoorde begin weens die hooggeregshof. Die maffia het staatgemaak op die politici Salvo Lima en premier Giulio Andreotti om Corrado Carnevale aan te stel om die vonnis te hersien. Carnevale het voorheen baie Mafia -veroordelings omgekeer oor die skraalste tegniese aspekte. Carnevale moes hom egter onttrek weens druk van die publiek en van Giovanni Falcone - wat destyds na die ministerie van justisie verhuis het. Falcone is ondersteun deur die minister van justisie, Claudio Martelli, ondanks die feit dat hy onder premier Andreotti gedien het. In Maart 1992 is Lima vermoor, gevolg deur Falcone en Paolo Borsellino later dieselfde jaar.

Interprovinsionele Kommissie Wysig

Buiten die provinsiale vlak is die besonderhede vaag. Volgens die pentito Tommaso Buscetta is 'n interprovinsiale kommissie in die 1970's gestig, terwyl die pentito Antonino Calderone beweer dat daar 'n rappresentante regionale in die 1950's selfs voor die kommissies en die capi mandamento geskep is. Die rappresentante regionale in daardie dae was 'n sekere Andrea Fazio van Trapani. [6]

Die interprovinsionele of streekskommissie is waarskynlik in Februarie 1975 ingestel op voorwaarde van Giuseppe Calderone uit Catania, wat die eerste 'sekretaris' geword het. Die ander lede was Gaetano Badalamenti vir Palermo, Giuseppe Settecasi (Agrigento), Cola Buccellato (Trapani), Angelo Mongiovì (Enna) en Giuseppe Di Cristina (Caltanissetta).

Volgens die pentito Leonardo Messina is die streekskommissie in 1992 saamgestel deur Salvatore Riina vir die provinsie Palermo, Nitto Santapaola vir die provinsie Catania, Salvatore Saitta vir die provinsie Enna, Giuseppe "Piddu" Madonia vir die provinsie Caltanissetta , Antonio Ferro vir die provinsie Agrigento en Mariano Agate vir die provinsie Trapani. [7]

Volgens Tommaso Buscetta is die eerste Siciliaanse maffia -kommissie vir die provinsie Palermo gestig na 'n reeks vergaderings tussen Amerikaanse en Siciliaanse mafiosi wat tussen 12-16 Oktober 1957 in Palermo plaasgevind het in die hotel Delle Palme en die Spanò seekos restaurant. Amerikaanse gangsters Joseph Bonanno en Lucky Luciano stel hul Siciliaanse eweknieë voor om 'n kommissie te stig, na aanleiding van die voorbeeld van die Amerikaanse maffia wat hul kommissie in die dertigerjare gevorm het.

Die Siciliërs stem saam met hul voorstel en Buscetta, Gaetano Badalamenti en Salvatore Greco "Ciaschiteddu" stel die grondreëls. Soms vroeg in 1958 het die Siciliaanse maffia sy eerste maffia -kommissie gevorm. Dit is gevorm onder Mafia -gesinne in die provinsie Palermo, met die hoogste konsentrasie kos (Mafia -families), ongeveer 46. Salvatore "Ciaschiteddu" Greco is aangestel as sy eerste segretario (sekretaris) of rappresentante regionale, in wese a primus inter pares - die eerste onder gelykes. Aanvanklik het die sekretaris baie min mag gehad. Sy taak was bloot om die vergaderings te reël. [3]

Voor die tyd was die maffia -gesinne nie verbind deur 'n kollektiewe struktuur nie. Volgens regter Cesare Terranova het hulle "was 'n mosaïek van klein republieke met topografiese grense gekenmerk deur tradisie." [3] In die dae voor die kommissie is koördinasie in Cosa Nostra verseker deur informele vergaderings tussen die invloedrykste lede van die magtigste gesinne. Die besluit om 'n kommissie te stig was eintlik 'n formalisering van hierdie af en toe vergaderings in 'n permanente, kollegiale liggaam. [8]

Oorspronklik, om te voorkom dat oormatige konsentrasie van mag in die hande van 'n paar individue vermy word, is besluit dat slegs "eremanne" wat geen leiersposisie in hul eie familie beklee nie - met ander woorde eenvoudige "soldate" - as lede van die Kommissie. Die reël is onmiddellik laat vaar weens die opposisie van sommige familiebase wat van die begin af gedreig het om die projek te laat vaar.

Die kommissie het twee hoofbevoegdhede gehad. Die eerste was om konflikte tussen Mafia -gesinne en enkellede op te los, en om die ernstigste oortredings van die normatiewe kodes van Cosa Nostra af te dwing. Tweedens is aan die Kommissie die regulering van die gebruik van geweld toevertrou. Dit het die uitsluitlike bevoegdheid om die moord op polisiebeamptes, aanklaers en regters, politici, joernaliste en prokureurs te beveel, omdat hierdie moorde weerwraak deur wetstoepassers kan veroorsaak. Om interne konflikte te beperk, is ooreengekom dat elke gesinsbaas die magtiging van die Kommissie moes vra voordat hy 'n lid van 'n ander gesin vermoor het. [8]

Tot in die vroeë tagtigerjare is die bevoegdhede van die kommissie dikwels verontagsaam vanweë die kollegiale karakter en die wye outonomie van die gesinsbase. Eers toe Totò Riina, Bernardo Provenzano en die Corleonesi hul bewind opgelê het, het die Kommissie 'n sentrale leiersorgaan geword. Die Kommissie het in werklikheid sy outonomie verloor en 'n blote handhawingsliggaam geword wat die besluite van Riina en Provenzano onderskryf.

Die eerste kommissie wysig

Volgens Buscetta het die eerste kommissie genommer "nie veel meer as tien nie" en die getal was veranderlik. Onder die lede van die eerste kommissie in die provinsie Palermo was: [9] [10]

    vir die Ciaculli mandamento (Palermo) vir die Resuttana mandamento (Palermo) vir die San Lorenzo mandamento (Palermo) vir die Acquasanta mandamento (Palermo) vir die Noce mandamento (Palermo) vir die Palermo Centro mandamento vir die Cinisi mandamento vir die Casteldaccia mandamento die San Giuseppe Jato mandamento vir die Pagliarelli mandamento (Palermo) vir die Boccadifalco mandamento (Palermo) vir die Santa Maria di Gesù mandamento (Palermo) vir die Corso Calatafimi mandamento (Palermo).

Die Kommissie kon egter nie die uitbreek van 'n gewelddadige Mafiaoorlog in 1963 voorkom nie. Casus belli was 'n heroïenooreenkoms verkeerd en die daaropvolgende moord op Calcedonio Di Pisa op 26 Desember 1962, wat verantwoordelik gehou is. In plaas daarvan om die geskil te besleg, het die kommissie deel geword van die interne konflik.

Op 30 Junie 1963 het 'n motorbom naby Greco se huis in Ciaculli ontplof en sewe polisie- en militêre beamptes is doodgemaak om dit te ontlont ná 'n anonieme oproep. Die verontwaardiging oor die Ciaculli -slagting het die Mafia -oorlog verander in 'n oorlog teen die Mafia. Dit het gelei tot die eerste gesamentlike pogings teen die mafia deur die staat in die na-oorlogse Italië. Die Siciliaanse Mafia -kommissie is ontbind, en van die mafiosi wat uit arrestasie ontsnap het, het baie na die buiteland gegaan. "Ciaschiteddu" Greco vlug na Caracas in Venezuela. [11]

Volgens Tommaso Buscetta was dit Michele Cavataio, die baas van die Acquasanta -kwartier van Palermo, wat verantwoordelik was vir die Ciaculli -bom, en moontlik die moord op baas Calcedonio Di Pisa aan die einde van 1962. Cavataio het in 'n oorlog verloor teen die Grecos van die groothandelsmark in die middel van die vyftigerjare. Cavataio het Di Pisa vermoor in die wete dat die La Barberas deur die Grecos die skuld sou kry en 'n oorlog die gevolg sou wees. Hy het die oorlog aangevuur deur ander bomaanvalle en -moorde. [12] [13]

Cavataio is gesteun deur ander Mafia -gesinne wat 'n afkeer gehad het van die groeiende mag van die Mafia -kommissie tot nadeel van individuele Mafia -gesinne. Cavataio is op 10 Desember 1969 in die sogenaamde Viale Lazio-slagting in Palermo vermoor as vergelding vir die gebeure in 1963. Volgens Buscetta en Grado was die samestelling van die trefferpan 'n duidelike aanduiding dat die moord gesamentlik gesanksioneer is. deur al die groot Siciliaanse maffia -gesinne: dit sluit nie net Calogero Bagarella en Bernardo Provenzano uit Corleone en lede van Stefano Bontade se familie in Palermo in nie, maar ook 'n soldaat van Giuseppe Di Cristina se familie aan die ander kant van Sicilië, in Riesi. [13]

Triumvirate Edit

Die ineenstorting van die Mafia het gelei tot 'n tydperk van relatiewe vrede - 'n "pax mafiosa" - terwyl baie mafio's in die tronk was of intern verban is. Die uitspraak van die verhoor van die 114 teen die Mafia in Catanzaro in Desember 1968 het tot baie vryspraak of kort vonnisse gelei weens kriminele vereniging. Die oorgrote meerderheid mafiose moes vrygelaat word, gegewe die tyd wat hulle reeds in gevangenskap deurgebring het terwyl hulle verhoorafwagtend was.

Onder hierdie omstandighede is die Siciliaanse Mafia -kommissie herleef in 1970. Dit het uiteindelik uit tien lede bestaan, maar aanvanklik is dit regeer deur 'n driemanskap bestaande uit Gaetano Badalamenti, Stefano Bontade en die baas van Corleonesi Luciano Leggio, hoewel dit Salvatore Riina was wat die Corleonesi verteenwoordig het , vervang Leggio wat op die vlug was tot sy arrestasie in 1974. [14] [15]

In 1974 is die 'volledige' kommissie onder leiding van Gaetano Badalamenti herstel. Onder die lede was: [9]

    vir die Cinisi mandamento vir die Santa Maria di Gesù mandamento (Palermo) vir die Corleone mandamento, vervang deur Salvatore Riina sedert Leggio in 1974 gearresteer is vir die San Giuseppe Jato mandamento, dikwels vervang deur Bernardo Brusca (vader van Giovanni Brusca) vir die Passo di Ragano mandamento (Palermo) vir die Noce mandamento (Palermo) vir die Partanna mandamento (Palermo) vir die Porta Nuova mandamento (Palermo) vir die San Lorenzo mandamento (Palermo) vir die Ciaculli mandamento (Palermo) vir die Partinico mandamento

(Verskeie pentiti, soos Salvatore Cancemi, Francesco Di Carlo en Giovanni Brusca sê dat Giuseppe Farinella, vir die Gangi-San Mauro Castelverde mandamento, Francesco Intile vir die Caccamo mandamento en Antonio Mineo vir die Bagheria mandamento, ook lid was of geword het. [16])

Gedurende hierdie jare het die spanning tussen verskillende koalisies binne die kommissie toegeneem. In hierdie tydperk word die kommissie toenemend oorheers deur die koalisie onder leiding van Totò Riina en Bernardo Provenzano, wat deur Gaetano Badalamenti en Stefano Bontade gekant is. Riina en Provenzano het in die geheim 'n alliansie van mafiosi in verskillende gesinne gevorm, wat clan -afdelings oorskry, in weerwil van die reëls rakende lojaliteit in Cosa Nostra. Hierdie geheimsinnige intergesinsgroep het as die Corleonesi bekend gestaan. Die vleuel onder leiding van Badalamenti en Bontade verdedig die bestaande magsbalans tussen die enkele Mafia -gesinne en die Kommissie.

Danksy 'n skerp manipulasie van die reëls en die uitskakeling van sy magtigste mededingers - veral die moord op Giuseppe Calderone en Giuseppe Di Cristina, lede van die interprovinsiale kommissie in 1978 - kon die Corleonesi -koalisie sy mag binne die kommissie vergroot. Hulle mededingers was oorweldig en het die mag verloor om terug te slaan. Behalwe die gebruik van geweld, het die Corleonesi ook hul oppergesag opgelê deur skerp die bevoegdheid van die Kommissie te benut: die bevoegdheid om leiers van 'n gesin te skors en 'n reggente, 'n tydelike baas.

Die 1978 -kommissie wysig

In 1978 is Gaetano Badalamenti uit die kommissie geskors en as hoof van sy gesin. Michele Greco het hom as sekretaris van die kommissie vervang. Die verwydering van Badalamenti was die einde van 'n tydperk van relatiewe vrede en het 'n groot verandering in die maffia self beteken. In 1978 is die kommissie saamgestel deur: [9] [10]

    vir die Ciaculli mandamento (Palermo), as sekretaris, vir die Corleone mandamento, dikwels vergesel deur Bernardo Provenzano vir die Santa Maria di Gesù mandamento (Palermo) vir die Passo di Rigano mandamento (Palermo) vir die Porta Nuova mandamento (Palermo) vir die San Giuseppe Jato mandamento, dikwels vervang deur Bernardo Brusca (vader van Giovanni Brusca) omdat Salamone in São Paulo in Brasilië gewoon het vir die Noce mandamento (Palermo) vir die Partanna mandamento (Palermo) vir die Resuttana mandamento (Palermo) vir die Partinico mandamento wat Agrigento verteenwoordig vir die Pagliarelli mandamento (Palermo)

Die kommissie is verdeel tussen die Corleonesi (Riina, Calò, Madonia, Brusca, Geraci, Greco Scarpuzzedda, Motisi en waarskynlik ook Scaglione) en die groep Bontade, Inzerillo en Pizzuto. 'N Derde groep, Michele Greco, Riccobono en Salamone, was nie vyandig teenoor die groep Bontade nie, maar was teen Gaetano Badalamenti.

Terwyl die meer gevestigde maffia -gesinne in die stad Palermo hulle daarvan weerhou het om owerhede openlik dood te maak omdat dit te veel aandag van die polisie sou trek, het die Corleonesi doelbewus vermoor om die owerhede so te intimideer dat die vermoede op hul mededingers in die kommissie val. In 1979, Pino Greco van Ciaculli, ook bekend as Scarpuzzedda en die gunsteling treffer van Riina het ook die kommissie betree.

In plaas daarvan om konflik te vermy, het die Kommissie toenemend 'n instrument geword in die ontvouende magstryd wat uiteindelik tot die kwasi-diktatuur van Totò Riina gelei het. Lede van die Kommissie is nie meer vryelik deur die provinsies gekies nie, maar is gekies op grond van hul trou aan Riina se faksie, en is uiteindelik net opgeroep om besluite wat reeds elders geneem is, te legitimeer. [17] [18]

Tweede maffiaoorlog wysig

Die Tweede Mafia-oorlog het van 1981 tot 1983 gewoed. Op 23 April 1981 is Bontade in sy motor in Palermo met die masjien doodgeskiet. Bontade se nabye bondgenoot, Salvatore Inzerillo, is drie weke later met dieselfde Kalashnikov vermoor. Die Corleonesi het die regerende gesinne van die Palermo -maffia vermoor om beheer oor die organisasie te neem terwyl hulle 'n parallelle oorlog voer teen Italiaanse owerhede en wetstoepassers om effektiewe ondersoeke en vervolgings te intimideer en te voorkom. Meer as 200 mafiosi is dood en baie het eenvoudig verdwyn.

In 1982 was die lede van die Kommissie: [9]

    en Bernardo Provenzano vir die Corleone mandamento vir die Porta Nuova mandamento (Palermo) vir die Ciaculli mandamento (Palermo) vir die Bagheria mandamento vir die Partanna mandamento (Palermo) vir die Resuttana mandamento (Palermo) vir die Altofonte mandamento vir die Partinico mandamento San Giuseppe Jato mandamento vir die Mazara del Vallo mandamento (provinsie Trapani) van Ciaculli

Die kommissie is nou oorheers deur Riina en Provenzano. Meer en meer word die onafhanklikheid van die maffia -gesinne vervang deur die outoritêre bewind van Riina. Die moord het ook nie geëindig toe die belangrikste mededingers van die Corleonesi verslaan is nie. Wie Riina kon uitdaag of hul nut verloor het, is uitgeskakel. Rosario Riccobono en 'n dosyn mans van sy geslag is in November 1982 dood. Iewers in September 1985 is Pino Greco in sy huis vermoor, doodgeskiet deur sy twee mede -Mafiosi en vermeende vriende, Vincenzo Puccio en Giuseppe Lucchese, hoewel die bevele gekom het van Riina, wat gevoel het Greco word te ambisieus en te onafhanklik ingestel na sy smaak. [19]

Die Kommissie het in werklikheid sy outonomie verloor en 'n blote handhawingsliggaam geword wat die besluite van Riina en Provenzano en hul hegte bondgenote toegepas het. Volgens Buscetta: "Met die krag wat die Corleonesi en hul bondgenote verkry het, het die tradisionele organisatoriese strukture 'n suiwer formele waarde ... die besluite is voorheen geneem ... en die kommissie was niks anders as die getroue uitvoerder van bevele nie." [8]

Intussen nuut mandamenti is in 1983 gestig, wie se lede tot die kommissie toegetree het: Raffaele Ganci vir die Noce mandamento, Giuseppe Giacomo Gambino vir die San Lorenzo mandamento, Matteo Motisi vir die Pagliarelli mandamento en Salvatore Buscemi vir die Passo di Ragano-Boccadifalco mandamento. In 1986-87 is die Santa Maria di Gesù mandamento (die voormalige leiding van Stefano Bontade) heringestel, verteenwoordig deur Pietro Aglieri.

Sedert die arrestasies as gevolg van die onthullings van pentiti soos Tommaso Buscetta, Salvatore Contorno, Francesco Marino Mannoia en Antonino Calderone, en die Maxi -verhoor in die 1980's, het baie lede van die kommissie in die tronk beland. Hulle is vervang deur 'n sg sostituto of reggente.

Die 1992 -kommissie wysig

In 1992 was die kommissie wat besluit het om die politikus en premier Giulio Andreotti se regterhand op Sicilië Salvo Lima en die regters Giovanni Falcone en Paolo Borsellino dood te maak, saamgestel uit: [7] [20]

    en Bernardo Provenzano vir die Corleone mandamento vir die Porta Nuova mandamento (Palermo), en vervang Giuseppe Calò wat in die tronk was, die Noce mandamento (Palermo) vir die Pagliarelli mandamento (Palermo) en/of Mariano Tullio Troia deur die San Lorenzo mandamento (Palermo) ), vervang Giuseppe Giacomo Gambino wat in die gevangenis was en Carlo Greco deur die Guadagna-Santa Maria di Gesù mandamento (Palermo)
  • die broers Giuseppe Graviano en Filippo Graviano vir die Brancaccio-Ciaculli mandamento, en vervang Giuseppe Lucchese wat in die tronk was vir die Resuttana mandamento (Palermo) vir die Passo di Ragano-Boccadifalco mandamento (Palermo), en vervang Salvatore Buscemi wat in die tronk was deur die Gangi -San Mauro Castelverde mandamento vir die San Giuseppe Jato mandamento, vervang sy pa Bernardo Brusca wat in die tronk was deur die Villabate mandamento, en vervang sy vader Salvatore Montalto wat in die gevangenis was, die Caccamo mandamento vir die Partinico mandamento vir die Belmonte Mezzagno mandamento

Provenzano se nuwe Mafia Edit

Provenzano het 'n nuwe minder gewelddadige Mafia-strategie voorgestel in plaas van die terreurbomveldtog in 1993 teen die staat om hulle in die stryd teen die Mafia terug te keer na die moorde op aanklagte van anti-mafia Giovanni Falcone en Paolo Borsellino. Na die maande na Riina se arrestasie in Januarie 1993 [21] [22] [23] was daar 'n reeks bombardemente deur die Corleonesi op verskeie toeristeplekke op die Italiaanse vasteland - die Via dei Georgofili in Florence, in Milaan en die Piazza San Giovanni in Laterano en Via San Teodoro in Rome, wat 10 mense dood en 93 beseer asook ernstige skade aan sentrums van kulturele erfenis, soos die Uffizi -galery, gelaat het. Leoluca Bagarella, die opvolger van Riina, is gevange geneem op 24 Junie 1995, Bagarella is in hegtenis geneem nadat hy vier jaar lank 'n voortvlugtige was. [24]

Provenzano neem toe die leisels en stel nuwe riglyne vas: geduld, kompartementering, naasbestaan ​​met staatsinstellings en stelselmatige infiltrasie van openbare finansies. Die diplomatieke Provenzano het probeer om die vloei van pentiti te stuit deur nie hul gesinne te rig nie, slegs geweld te gebruik as dit absoluut noodsaaklik was. Na berig word, het Provenzano die ou Mafia-reëls herstel wat deur Totò Riina afgeskaf is, saam met Riina en Leoluca Bagarella, dat hy die Corleonesi-faksie regeer het.

Giovanni Brusca - een van Riina se huurmoordenaars wat die bom wat Falcone doodgemaak het persoonlik laat ontplof het, en later 'n informant geword het ná sy arrestasie in 1996 [25] - het 'n kontroversiële weergawe van die vang van Totò Riina aangebied: 'n geheime ooreenkoms tussen Carabinieri -offisiere, geheime agente en Cosa Nostra -base is moeg vir die diktatuur van die Corleonesi. Volgens Brusca het Provenzano Riina "verkoop" in ruil vir die waardevolle argief van kompromiemateriaal wat Riina in sy woonstel in Via Bernini 52 in Palermo gehou het.

Die Siciliaanse maffia was verdeel tussen die base wat 'n harde lyn ondersteun teen die Italiaanse staat - hoofsaaklik base wat in die gevangenis is, soos Salvatore 'Totò' Riina (oorlede sedert 2017) en Leoluca Bagarella - en diegene wat die meer gematigde strategie van Provenzano. Die gevange base word tans onderhewig aan streng beheer van hul kontak met die buitewêreld, wat hul vermoë beperk om hul operasies agter tralies uit te voer onder die artikel 41-bis gevangenisregime.

Antonino Giuffrè - 'n goeie vertroueling van Provenzano, het kort ná sy gevangenskap in April 2002 pentito geword - beweer dat Cosa Nostra in 1993 direkte kontak gehad het met verteenwoordigers van die voormalige premier Silvio Berlusconi terwyl hy die geboorte van Forza Italia beplan het. Die ooreenkoms wat volgens hom aangegaan is, was 'n herroeping van 41 bis, onder andere teen wette teen Mafia, in ruil daarvoor dat hulle verkiesingswins in Sicilië behaal het. Giuffrè se verklarings is nie bevestig nie.

Tydens 'n hofverskyning in Julie 2002 stel Leoluca Bagarella voor dat naamlose politici versuim het om ooreenkomste met die Mafia oor gevangenisvoorwaardes na te kom. 'Ons is moeg daarvoor om deur politieke faksies uitgebuit, verneder, geteister en as handelsware gebruik te word,' het hy gesê. Nietemin het die Italiaanse parlement, met die steun van Forza Italia, daarna die handhawing van 41 bis, wat in 2002 sou verstryk, met nog vier jaar verleng en dit uitgebrei tot ander misdade soos terrorisme. Volgens een van die voorste tydskrifte in Italië, L'Espresso, is 119 mafiosi-een vyfde van diegene wat onder die 41-bis-regime opgesluit was, op 'n individuele basis vrygestel. [26]

Verdeling en wedywering Redigeer

In 2002 het 'n breuk in Cosa Nostra duidelik geword. Aan die een kant was daar die harde "Corleonesi" in die tronk - onder leiding van Totò Riina en Leoluca Bagarella - en aan die ander kant die meer gematigde "Palermitani" - onder leiding van Provenzano en Antonino Giuffrè, Salvatore Lo Piccolo en Matteo Messina Denaro. Die arrestasie van Giuffrè in April 2002 is blykbaar moontlik gemaak deur 'n anonieme telefoonoproep wat blykbaar deur lojaliste aan die Mafia hardliners Riina en Bagarella gemaak is. Die doel was om 'n boodskap aan Provenzano te stuur. Die gevange base wou iets gedoen word aan die moeilike gevangenisvoorwaardes (veral die verslapping van die 41-bis-gevangenisregime)-en daar word geglo dat hulle 'n terugkeer tot geweld beplan terwyl hulle verskeie lewenslange vonnisse uitdien.

Die doelwitte was Marcello Dell'Utri en die voormalige minister van verdediging, Cesare Previti, albei noue adviseurs van die destydse premier Silvio Berlusconi, volgens 'n uitgelekte verslag van die intelligensiediens SISDE. Riina en Bagarella voel verraai deur politieke bondgenote in Rome, wat beloof het om wette te help om gevangenisvoorwaardes te vergemaklik en vonnisse vir sy gevangenislede te verminder in ruil vir ondersteuning van die maffia by die stembusse. Die SISDE -verslag sê dat hulle geglo het dat die aanvalle op een van die twee lede van Berlusconi se Forza Italia -party - elk onder afsonderlike strafregtelike beskuldigings - minder geneig sou wees om die soort openbare verontwaardiging en polisiedood te veroorsaak wat gevolg het op die moorde in 1992 in die algemeen bewonder die Siciliaanse aanklaers Giovanni Falcone en Paolo Borsellino. [27]

Volgens persberigte, toe Provenzano na die hoogsekerheidsgevangenis in Terni verskuif is, skreeu die seun van Totò Riina, Giovanni Riina, wat lewenslank gevonnis is vir drie moorde, dat Provenzano 'n 'sbirro' is - 'n gewilde Italiaanse pejoratiewe uitdrukking vir 'n polisiebeampte - toe Provenzano die selblok binnegekom het. Die pentito Antonino Giuffrè het in Oktober 2005 gesê dat daar gerugte in Cosa Nostra was dat Provenzano 'n inligter vir die Carabinieri was terwyl hy op die vlug was. [28]

Na die arrestasie van Provenzano Edit

Na die arrestasie van Bernardo Provenzano op 11 April 2006 - op dieselfde dag as Romano Prodi se oorwinning in die Italiaanse algemene verkiesing in 2006 teen Silvio Berlusconi - is verskeie mafiosi genoem as die opvolger van Provenzano. Onder die mededingers was Matteo Messina Denaro (van Castelvetrano en die provinsie Trapani), Salvatore Lo Piccolo (baas van die Tommaso Natale -gebied en die mandamento van San Lorenzo in Palermo), en Domenico Raccuglia van Altofonte. Provenzano het Messina Denaro na bewering in een van sy pizzini genomineer - klein stukkies papier wat gebruik is om met ander mafio's te kommunikeer om telefoongesprekke te vermy, gevind by die skuilplek van Provenzano.

Dit veronderstel dat Provenzano die mag het om 'n opvolger aan te wys, wat nie eenparig onder Mafia -waarnemers aanvaar word nie. "Die maffia is vandag meer 'n federasie en minder 'n outoritêre staat," volgens die aanklaer van die anti-maffia, Antonio Ingroia, van die Direzione distrettuale antimafia (DDA) van Palermo, met verwysing na die vorige periode van outoritêre bewind onder Salvatore Riina. Provenzano "het 'n soort direktoraat van ongeveer vier tot sewe mense gestig wat baie selde ontmoet het, slegs wanneer dit nodig was, wanneer daar strategiese besluite geneem moes word." [29]

Volgens Ingroia "in 'n organisasie soos die Mafia moet 'n baas 'n stap bo die ander wees, anders val alles uitmekaar. Dit hang alles af of hy konsensus kan regkry en of die ander saamstem of in opstand kom." Provenzano "het 'n mate van stabiliteit gewaarborg omdat hy die bevoegdheid gehad het om interne geskille op te hef." Onder die lede van die direktoraat was Salvatore Lo Piccolo Antonino Giuffrè van Caccamo Benedetto Spera van Belmonte Mezzagno Salvatore Rinella van Trabia Giuseppe Balsano van Monreale Matteo Messina Denaro van Castelvetrano Vincenzo Virga van Trapani en Andrea Manciaracina van Mazara del Vallo. [30]

Na die arrestasies van Benedetto Spera, Vincenzo Virga (beide in 2001) en Antonino Giuffrè in 2002 (wat besluit het om met die owerhede saam te werk), was die leierskap van Cosa Nostra in die hande van die voortvlugtiges Bernardo Provenzano, Salvatore Lo Piccolo en Matteo Messina Denaro. Na die inhegtenisneming van Provenzano in April 2006, het die Italiaanse verslag van die intelligensiediens gewaarsku oor 'opkomende spanning' tussen mafia -groepe as gevolg van die versuim van Provenzano om Salvatore Lo Piccolo of Matteo Messina Denaro as sy opvolger aan te wys. Die Direzione Investigativa Antimafia (DIA) het gewaarsku dat die vang van Provenzano moontlik aan mafia -leiers 'n geleentheid bied om terug te keer na geweld as 'n manier om hul mag uit te druk. [31]

Twee maande na die inhegtenisneming van Provenzano, op 20 Junie 2006, het die owerhede 52 arrestasiebevelvoeringe uitgereik teen die top van Cosa Nostra in die stad Palermo (Operasie Gotha). Studie van die pizzini het getoon dat Provenzano se gesamentlike afgevaardigdes in Palermo Salvatore Lo Piccolo en Antonio Rotolo, capo-mandamento van Pagliarelli, was. In 'n boodskap wat verwys na 'n belangrike besluit vir Cosa Nostra, het Provenzano aan Rotolo gesê: 'Dit is aan u, ek en Lo Piccolo om hierdie saak te besluit.' [32]

The investigations showed that Rotolo had built a kind of federation within the mafia, comprising 13 families grouped in four clans. His right-hand men were Antonio Cinà – who used to be the personal physician of Salvatore Riina and Provenzano – and the builder Francesco Bonura. The city of Palermo was ruled by this triumvirate replacing the Commission whose members are all in jail.

What emerged as well was that the position of Salvatore Lo Piccolo was not undisputed. Authorities said they avoided the outbreak of a genuine war inside Cosa Nostra. The first clash would have been between Rotolo and Lo Piccolo. What sparked off the crisis was a request from the Inzerillo family, one of the clans whose leaders – among them Salvatore Inzerillo – were killed by the Corleonesi during the Second Mafia War in the 1980s and which are now in exile in the United States. Rotolo had passed a death sentence on Lo Piccolo and his son, Sandro, even before Provenzano's arrest – and even procured the barrels of acid that are used to dissolve the bodies of slain rivals. [33]

Reconstitution thwarted Edit

In December 2008, an attempt to reconstitute a new Commission was foiled, when 94 Mafiosi were arrested after a nine-month investigation dubbed "Operation Perseus" (Perseo in Italian after the Greek mythological hero Perseus who beheaded Medusa). From tapped phone conversations and surveillance, police had obtained a full list of those present and those who had sent their apologies, as well as details of the issues discussed and the decisions adopted. [34] [35]

The object, as one tapped Mafioso put it, was to "re-establish Cosa Nostra" in the old style, with a single all-powerful boss, a "capo dei capi". [34] Benedetto Capizzi, a 65-year-old boss from Villagrazia, had been nominated as the possible head of the Commission. Among the other members were other historical Cosa Nostra bosses, such as Gerlando Alberti, Gregorio Agrigento from San Giuseppe Jato, Giovanni Lipari, Gaetano Fidanzati, Giuseppe Scaduto from Bagheria and Salvatore Lombardo, the 87-year-old boss from Montelepre. Many of those arrested had recently been released from prison on health grounds, and were serving out their sentences under house arrest. [34] [35]

Among the younger bosses were Gianni Nicchi, the young and upcoming boss from Pagliarelli and Giuseppe Biondino, the son of Salvatore Biondino who had been Riina’s driver. A preliminary summit meeting had been held on November 14, 2008, with Lo Presti, Scaduto, Capizzi – and also Nicchi. [36] The new Commission had the blessing of the old bosses Totò Riina and Bernardo Provenzano, as well as Matteo Messina Denaro, the boss from the province of Trapani. Not everyone agreed, however. Gaetano Lo Presti from the Porta Nuova family objected to the choice of Capizzi as the new head. He committed suicide after his arrest. Police feared the outbreak of a new Mafia war and decided to interfere. [34] Nicchi and Fidanzati escaped the arrests, but were captured later. After the death of Riina on 17 November 2017, Settimo Mineo was elected the new head on 29 May 2018 until his arrest on 4 December 2018. [37]


Dissecting Rome’s Second Triumvirate

Rome’s first triumvirate was a power grab by Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey who sought to take the power of the Senate and share it among themselves. Crassus, the weakest of the three in political instincts, played an important role by siphoning off enough power to prevent a calamity between Caesar and Pompey. But, after his sudden death in 53 B.C, the six year old agreement became unstable as only Caesar and Pompey were left to fight each other for control of the Republic.

The second triumvirate, on the other hand, was sanctioned by the Senate as a legitimate source of consular power, because the elders had become too weak to resist anyone who would use military power to threaten them. The end point this time was the triumph of Octavian and the foundation of the imperial state.

In a certain sense, one would consider Octavian an unlikely candidate for title first emperor of imperial Rome. He grew up in modest circumstances and lost his father at a young age. Moreover, his constitution was weak and he did not have soldiering ability in him. What Octavian lacked in physical ability, he more than made up for in political skill — and his instincts were uncanny.

Raised by his mother Atia, a niece of Caesar, Octavian drew the attention of his great uncle for unknown reasons and was made his heir without the boy’s knowledge. When Caesar was assassinated, Octavian returned from Illyricum and learned that Caesar’s bequest had made him immensely rich at age nineteen. He courted Anthony but was rebuffed out of jealousy over the boy gaining Caesar’s estate, so Octavian spent the remainder of 44 B.C. paying off Caesar’s legacies out of his inheritance and winning over Caesar’s former troops by leveraging the family connection.

The Senate eventually outlawed Anthony in favor of the republicans Cassius and Brutus, and when the consular army, accompanied by Octavian, was sent against Anthony in Gaul the latter was defeated. Rebuffed in his request for a consulship, Octavian marched on Rome and the Senate capitulated. Now Cassius and Brutus became the outlaws when their amnesty for killing Caesar was revoked and Antony and Lepidus returned to favor when their sins were forgiven.

Mark Antony, born in 83 B.C, was a patrician by birth who lived a dissipate lifestyle until a military career presented itself during his 26 th year and he found himself proficient at it. His rise was rapid and by 54, Antony had become Caesar’s right hand man and close friend as they served together in Gaul. Following Caesar’s occupation of Rome, Antony served as administrator in Caesar’s absence and was lucky to escape death when Caesar returned and was assassinated. Antony gave the funeral oration for his friend and used the occasion to turn public opinion against the assassins.

Marcus Aemilianus Lepidus was born to a well-known patrician family in 89 B.C. Praetor in 49 B.C. and consul in 46, Lepidus was named “Master of the Horse” by Caesar in February of 44 B.C. After the assassination of Caesar, Lepidus sided with Antony and was declared to be an enemy of Rome by the Senate.

So now we have the set up for the second triumvirate: Antony and Lepidus, military men of great skill allied with each other and commanding a large army Octavian, standing as a formidable opponent with an army, a famous name, and political skills beyond those of his rivals.

Octavian met Antony and Lepidus on an island in the Remo River near Bononia (Bologna) during October of 43 B.C. Each had legions with him. They agreed to form a triumvirate for five years giving them the authority to make laws and nominate magistrates and governors.

The agreement became official when the Tribune P. Titius pushed it through the tribal assembly on November 27 th . The territories were divided up: Antony taking Transalpine and Cisalpine Gaul, Lepidus taking the rest of Gaul and Spain, and Octavian taking Africa, Sicily and Sardinia. The triumvirs agreed that Lepidus would serve as consul in 42 while the others pursued Brutus and Cassius in the east. To provide security and money, they carried out a ruthless proscription which claimed the lives of 300 Senators and 2000 knights, including Cicero. The wealth obtained was partially used to pay off the legionnaires and settle them on confiscated lands.

As we know from the history, Brutus and Cassius were defeated at Philippi, avenging the murder of Caesar and ending the Republic once and for all. The triumvirs now signed a contract specifying the division of provinces: Antony took all Gaul except Cisalpine Octavian received Spain, Sardinia, and Africa and Lepidus received nothing because he was suspected of conspiring with Sextus Pompeius. For the short term, Antony would head east to raise money and Octavian would deal with Sextus Pompeius.

Between 40 and 37 B.C, there were at least three occasions when the agreement between Octavian and Antony looked like it would fall part, but at the last minute these disputes were resolved and, in 37 B.C, the triumvirate was renewed for another five years. The next year, Octavian was finally able to corner Pompeius in Sicily and defeat him, but, oddly, Lepidus took command of some Pompeian troops and ordered Octavian off the island. As a result, Lepidus was stripped of his powers as a triumvir and retired from public life. Now, as in the case of the first triumvirate, the balancing power was removed. When the triumvirs contract expired at the end of 33, the agreement was not renewed. Antony continued to use the title, but Octavian moved on as consul and son of a god (Caesar had been deified).

Octavian used Antony’s relationship with Cleopatra to paint him as more loyal to Egypt than Rome and a traitor to the Republic. This public relations campaign served as a prelude to the sea battle of Actium in 31 B.C, which spelled defeat for Antony and his death along with Cleopatra.

Octavian had triumphed by guile and calculation. He would utilize those same tools to build an Imperial system that pretended to be Republican.


43 BC - 2nd Triumvirate Octavius, Antony and Lepidus

Although Caesar was dead, both parties, the conspirators and the personal and political friends of the dead leader, rested on their arms. Neither faction knew the strength of the other nor the sentiment of the people. The Caesarian consul Mark Antony thought it best to propose a compromise, and Marcus and Decimus Brutus, Cassius, and the other conspirators accepted it. Caesar's arrangements for the future were ratified, but no inquiry was to be made into the circumstances of his death.

An unexpected turn was given to affairs by the arrival in Italy of Octavius, Caesar's grand-nephew, a young man in his nineteenth year, whom the dictator had named as his heir. His fidelity in carrying out the generous provisions of Caesar's will, his tactful course, and the fact that he bore the name of their late leader drew to him so many of Caesar's veterans that Antony, for fear of losing all his troops, hastily left Rome for the North with the forces which were still loyal to him.

Antony had secured by law the transfer to himself of Cisalpine Gaul, which had originally been assigned to Decimus Brutus, one of the conspirators. His purpose now was to drive out Brutus and take possession of the province. The senate called Octavius to its assistance and sent him with Hirtius and Pansa, the two consuls of the year 43, to the relief of Brutus. Antony was worsted at Mutina. But the victory was dearly bought. Hirtius and Pansa were killed.

Octavius was so aggrieved at the assignment of the vacant position of commander-in-chief to Brutus that he came to an understanding with Antony and his ally Lepidus, and in 43 BC the three men formed a compact, commonly known as the second triumvirate, which was later ratified by law, and gave them even more extensive powers than Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus had exercised twenty years before. Their return to Rome was followed by a reign of terror which rivaled that of Sulla.

Cicero was one of the early victims of their fury. Cicero's political course was based upon a new method of securing strength for the social fabric. Gaius Gracchus had exalted the middle classes at the expense of the nobility, Sulla had restored the supremacy of the senate, and thereby antagonized the middle classes. Now Cicero sought to unite both senators and knights in a joint defense of the cause of law and order. His efforts were as futile as theirs had been, because the 'Roman empire had outgrown the old regime, and because ambitious leaders had been taught by the examples of Sulla, of Marius, and of Pompey to look to the sword, and not to the ballot, as the source of political power.

From 47 to his death in 44 Caesar was dictator. Cicero mourned the downfall of the republic, and took little part in public affairs. He attended meetings of the senate, but rarely spoke. This policy of silence was interrupted (in 46) by the oration for Marcellus, an extravagant eulogy of the dictator's clemency in pardoning one who, like the orator himself, had taken the side of Pompey against Caesar. To Cicero's grief at the state of his country were added troubles 79 of a domestic nature. His wife, Terentia, to whom he had written so affectionately when an exile (Ep. 9), after thirty years of wedded life was divorced. He married a young woman named Publilia, but soon separated from her. But the crowning sorrow was the death of his daughter, Tullia, which almost crushed him. It was only by devoting himself with tremendous energy and concentration to literary labors that he was able to forget his public and private cares. In these last years of his life he turned out an enormous amount of work, mostly on philosophical subjects.

Cicero had been the head and front of the senatorial opposition, and however vainglorious he may have been of his consulship, however weak during his year of exile, and vacillating when the war broke out between Caesar and Pompey, in this period he rose to the full stature of a brave man of action and a statesman. Antony's aggressions became so intolerable that Cicero, in the hope of discrediting and finally defeating him, uttered that remarkable series of invectives known as the fourteen Philippics. His scathing denunciation of Antony in his Philippic orations, his brave letters to the governors of provinces, encouraging them to stand firm for the senatorial cause, and his bold leadership of the senate made him the heart and soul of the lost cause. In the end the sole effect of Cicero 's efforts was to arouse the implacable hatred of Antony. Within a few months Antony and Octavian reached an understanding, and with Lepidus formed the Second Triumvirate. Each of the three made a list of men whom he considered dangerous to the new regime, and these, to the number of some thousands, were put to death. As might have been expected, Cicero's name appeared on the list of the proscribed by Antony. Cicero started to leave Italy, but was overtaken by cavalry at his estate near Formise and beheaded, Dec. 7, 43. He did not long survive the republic which in his consulship he had saved and throughout his life had served with all his wonderful talents.

The bravery of Cicero in this last struggle of the republic a century later not undeservedly called forth from Velleius Paterculus this enthusiastic eulogy of Cicero and denunciation of Antony: "Thou hast robbed Cicero, Mark Antony, of the light of life, but of a light obscured by the clouds of trouble - of his declining years, and of a life which would have been more wretched under thee as prince than was death under thee as triumvir, but the fame and the glory which his deeds and words brought him thou hast rather exalted than taken from him. He lives and will live in memory for all time, and so long as this world, ruled by chance or by providence, or however it be governed, so long as this world shall last whose significance, structure, and constitution, he was almost the only Roman to discern, to comprehend, and to set forth in a clear light by means of his eloquence, it will take with it through the ages the praise of Cicero, and in times to come all men will execrate thy crime against him, and the human race shall disappear from the earth before the name of Cicero dies."

Meanwhile the two republican leaders, M. Brutus and Cassius, had withdrawn to the East to take possession of their provinces, and were exerting themselves to the utmost to prepare for the struggle which they knew to be inevitable. In the autumn of 42 BC they had brought together at Philippi a force of nineteen legions of foot soldiers and twenty thousand horsemen. Here they were met by the triumvirs and defeated. Brutus and Cassius took their own lives, and the struggle to reestablish the republic was at an end. The Roman World Divided between Octavianus and Antony. In the division of territory which followed the victory, Octavius, or Octavianus as he was called after his adoption by Caesar, took Italy and the West, Antony the East, with Alexandria as his capital. Lepidus had to content himself with Africa, and played henceforth a minor role.

The compact between Octavianus and Antony, broken only by temporary misunderstandings, ran for ten years, but the rivalry between the two men was too intense to allow the arrangement to be permanent. It was believed too at Rome that Antony and Cleopatra were planning to set up a rival power in the East. The great naval battle near Actium in 31 BC was, therefore, a struggle between the East and the West, and the victory of Octavianus over Antony and Cleopatra established once for all the supremacy of the West.


5. The Crisis of the 3rd Century

Emperor Diocletian’s reforms helped bring an end to the crisis. (Credit: ullstein bild via Getty Images)

In A.D. 235, the young Roman Emperor Alexander Severus was murdered by his troops during a campaign along the Rhine. The coup couldn’t have come at a worse time. Rome was already straining under the weight of increased raids by barbarian tribes, and the sudden political instability launched a period of civil war that nearly brought the Empire to its knees. Over the next 35 years, the Roman throne was claimed by a merry-go-round of several dozen usurpers and generals, nearly all of whom were eventually killed in battles with their rivals or assassinated by their own men. To make matters worse, the infighting overlapped with a brutal outbreak of plague and increased threats from the Goths, the Persians and other outside forces.

As the mayhem mounted, the Empire briefly splintered into three separate states. Unity was later restored by Emperor Aurelian, who drove Rome’s enemies beyond the frontier and re-conquered its lost territories, but the situation devolved back into chaos after his death. The crisis wouldn’t fully end until the late-third century, when Diocletian passed a series of groundbreaking reforms that divided Rome into an Eastern and Western Empire ruled by a tetrarchy of four leaders—two senior 𠇊ugusti” and a pair of lower-ranking �sars.”


The Roman Empire: founding, development and decline

Romance languages

The history of the Roman Empire is fundamental not only for the development of Italian culture, but also for the establishment of European languages, because it allowed latin to spread to many territories, like Spain, France, Portugal, Romania etc.

In short, the expansion of the Roman Empire laid the foundation for what today we call “Romance languages”: Italian, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Romanian and so on.

The three periods of ancient Rome

Historians divided the history of Rome in three main periods:

1) The Roman Kingdom: from 753 B.C, year of the foundation of Rome, to 509 B.C., year of the exile of the Tarquinii (the last kings of Rome) from the city.

2) The Roman Republic: from 509 B.C. to 27 B.C., when the Roman Senate granted full powers and the title of “Augustus” to Octavius.

3) The Roman Empire: from 27 B.C. to 476 B.C., year of the downfall of the Western Roman Empire.

Well, now that we made this chronological division, let’s get to the heart of the Roman history!

The Roman Kingdom

According to the legend, Rome was founded in the middle of the VIII century B.C. by two brothers raised by a she-wolf: Romulus and Remus, descendants of Aeneas.

Actually, modern archeological studies and historical research believe that the city of Rome was born when the communities that inhabited the seven hills of Rome, on the left side of the Tiber river, merged together.

During the first period, called the Roman Kindom, Rome was a monarchical city-state, similar to Greek poleis: the power was in the hands of a monarch, who received the title of rex. The king did not only detain political power, but also military and religious power moreover, he was assisted by a Senate, composed of patricians (the elite class of the ancient Roman society).

The monarchy in Rome lasted for about two and a half centuries, during which time, according to tradition, 7 kings reigned one after another:

1 – Romulus, who became the first king of Rome after killing his brother Remus, as claimed by the legend

The Roman Republic

The 7th king of Rome, Tarquinius Superbus, made a lot of enemies, and was eventually exiled from Rome in 509 B.C., becoming the last king of the city.

This marked the beginning of the Roman Republic, a phase characterised by the leading role of the Senate in the government of the city.

During this period, Rome exapanded in Italy and in the Mediterranean after winning the Samnite Wars, against the Samnites and their allies (IV-III centuries B.C.) and the Punic Wars against Carthage (III-II centuries B.C.).

Nonetheless, in the I century B.C. the Republic suffered a terrible crisis, mainly because of the conflict between those who supported the faction of the populares (the political party that supported the people’s requests) and those who supported the optimates (the conservative aristocrat party) in the Senate.

The civil wars

Between the years 83 and 82 B.C., the first civil war in Rome was fought between the factions of the populares, guided by Gaius Marius, and tha faction of the optimates, guided by Sulla. The latter won and became emperor for life after taking out all of his enemies.

In any case, internal problems had not been solved, as proven by the conspiracy against the Republic organised by the Roman senator Catiline and exposed by the lawyer Cicero in 63 B.C.

In 60 B.C. commanders Pompey, Crassus e Caesar, despite party differences, joined forces in the First Triumvirate to try and solve the period of instability and crisis that Rome was suffering.

This alliance did not last long: after Crassus’ death, in 49 B.C., while returning from Gaul, Caesar led his legions across the Rubicon river, in which occasion he pronounced the famous words «alea iacta est» (“the die has been cast”), and triggered the second civil war , fought between his legions and Pompey’s optimates.

Caesar defeated Pompey in Pharsalus (48 B.C.), and then the other optimates, becoming the undisputed chief and dictator of Rome.

After carrying out a series of reforms, Caesar was stabbed to death on the 15th March 44 B.C. (the “Ides of March”) from a conspiracy organised by a group of conservatives and republicans, headed by Marcus Junius Brutus, Gaius Cassius Longinus and Decimus Brutus.

Caesar’s death marked the beginning of a phase of instability in Rome. Octavius, his adopted son, Mark Anthony and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus created the Second Triumvirate in 43 B.C., brought order back to the Republic and divided Rome’s territories among them.

After Lepidus was expelled from the triumvirate, Octavius became the ruler of the West and Anthony of the East. The latter married the Egyptian queen Cleopatra and started drifting away from Roman customs. Octavius took advantage of the Senate’s disappointment towards Anthony and declared war to him.

In 31 B.C. Octavius defeated Mark Anthony in Actium and in 27 B.C. the Senate granted him full powers and the title of “Augustus”. This is how the Empire was born.

The Roman Empire

The Roman Empire began when the Senate put all of the power in the hands of a single person: the emperor.

The Roman Empire can be divided into two phases:

1 – A phase of prosperity and glory (until the II century A.D.).

2 – A phase of deep crisis (beginning in the III century A.D.).

Augustus, the first emperor of Rome, had full political and military powers and brought peace and stability after years of civil wars. He was the first of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, which ruled until 68 A.D. with emperors Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero.

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One thing worth mentioning is that the maximum expansion of the Empire was achieved between 98 and 117 A.D. with emperor Trajan, covering an area that ranged from Spain to Asia Minor and from England to Northern Africa.

Crisis and downfall of the Empire

The main causes of the Empire’s deep crisis in the III century A.D. were: (1) the immense power of the army, which organised many coup d’etats, (2) the economic crisis, (3) the threat of the populations across the borders and (4) the spreading of Christianity.

Moreover, because of the difficulty of managing such a huge empire, in the IV century A.D. emperor Diocletian decided to opt for the Tetrarchy (the administrative subdivision of Roman holdings in four different territories): this is how the partition of the empire began, and it became final in 395 A.D. with the death of emperor Theodosius I, who split the Empire in two (Eastern and Western Empire).

In the IV century, the Western Roman Empire, wrecked by the deep political and economical crisis, was unable to oppose the attacks from nearby populations: in 476 A.D commander Odoacer deposed the last emperor, Romulus Augustulus, marking the downfall of the Western Empire.

The Eastern Roman Empire survived for a very long time in Constantinople, until 1453, when the imperial city, conquered by Mehmed II, became the capital of the Ottoman Empire.

This was the history of ancient Rome in a nutshell, filled with events and fundamental for the development of Europe as we know it today.

And you, have you ever been to Rome? Have you visited the Roman Hills or the Colosseum?

Well, don’t worry if you haven’t visited Rome, Italy is full of stunning places and amazing monuments: if you want to know more about them, watch our video about the best Italian monuments !


War between Octavian and Antony

In order to provide treasures and rewards for his troops and cement his reputation as a military commander, Octavian pursued a war in Illyricum to bring it under Roman control. [ aanhaling nodig ] Meanwhile, Antony was preparing his war against Parthia, taking advantage of divisions caused by the new Parthian king Phraates IV. [ aanhaling nodig ] However Antony over-extended himself and was forced to retreat with considerable loss of troops. [19]

Despite having married Octavia, Octavian's sister, in 40 BC (Octavian had married Antony's stepdaughter Clodia Pulchra three years earlier), Antony openly lived in Alexandria with Cleopatra VII of Egypt, even siring children with her. [ aanhaling nodig ] When the Triumvirate's second term expired in 33 BC, Antony continued to use the title Triumvir Octavian, opting to distance himself from Antony, refrained from using it. [ aanhaling nodig ]

After Antony's defeat in Parthia, Cleopatra had come to his aid with supplies Antony then turned his attention to Armenia, seizing its king Artavasdes and occupying the country. [ aanhaling nodig ] He minted coins to commemorate the victory, created a mimic of a Roman triumph, [ aanhaling nodig ] and read out a declaration, known as the Donations of Alexandria in which he granted territories to Cleopatra's children. [20]

Octavian illegally obtained Antony's will in July 32 BC and exposed it to the Roman public: it promised substantial legacies to Antony's children by Cleopatra, and left instructions for shipping his body to Alexandria for burial. [ aanhaling nodig ] Octavian's forces decisively defeated those of Antony and Cleopatra at the Battle of Actium in Greece in September 31 BC, chasing them to Egypt in 30 BC both Antony and Cleopatra committed suicide in Alexandria, and Octavian personally took control of Egypt and Alexandria (Egyptian chronologies treat Octavian as Cleopatra's successor as Pharaoh). [ aanhaling nodig ]

Octavian's ally Gaius Maecenas forestalled a conspiracy allegedly organised by Lepidus's son (31 BC). With the complete defeat of Antony and the marginalisation of Lepidus, Octavian, having been restyled "Augustus" in 27 BC, remained as the sole master of the Roman world, and proceeded to establish the Principate as the first Roman "emperor". [ aanhaling nodig ]


An Institution of General History, or, The History of the World by William Howell (1661-1685)

CONTENTS OF FIRST VOLUME

AN INSTITUTION OF Generall History. The First Part. BOOK I.
CHAP. I. From the beginning of the world, to the beginning of the first Empire.
CHAP. II. Of the Babylonian Empire, from the first founding thereof to it's utter subversion by Cyrus.
CHAP. III. Of Sacred History. Contemporaries with the Babylonian Empire.
SECT. I. From the time of Phaleg, and the division of the Earth to the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt.
SECT. II. From the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt, to the death of So|lomon, and the Rent of the Kingdom.
SECT. III. From the death of Solomon and the rent of the Kingdom, to the de|struction of the Kingdom of Judah.
SECT. IV. The Kingdom of Israel From the revolt of the Tribes, to their final Captivity under Salmanasser.
CHAP. IV. The most ancient Kingdom of Egypt, Contemporary with the Babylonian Empire.
CHAP. V. The most Ancient state, and condition of Greece, during the Baby|lonian Empire, with a Description of its Kingdoms and Common-wealth.
SECT. I. The State of Greece in General.
SECT. II. The Sicyonian Kingdom.
SECT. III. The Kingdom of Argos.
SECT. IV. The most antient Kingdom and Common-wealth of Athens.
SECT. V. The most antient Kingdom and Commonwealth of Lacedaemon.
SECT. VI. The most antient Kingdom of Corinth.
SECT. VII. The antient Kingdom of Thebes.
CHAP. VI. The Original, and Kingdom of Rome, Contemporary with the Babylonian Empire.
SECT. I. The Original of the Citie of Rome.
SECT. II. From the building of the Citie to the destruction of the Kingdom, the space of 245 years.
AN INSTITUTION OF General History. The First Part. BOOK II. Of the Persian Empire, and the Affairs of the World Contemporary with it.
CHAP. I. The Persian Empire.
SECT. I. From the beginning of the Empire of Cyrus, to the death of Cam|byses his Son and Successor.
SECT. II. From the death of Cambyses to that of Xerxes.
SECT. III. From the death of Xerxes, and the beginning of Artaxerxes Longima|nus, to the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon, containing the space of 103 years.
SECT. IV. From the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon, and the beginning of Ochus, to the death of Darius Codomannus, containing the space of 32 years.
Contemporaries with the Persian Empire.
SECT. I. Of such things as hapned from the beginning thereof until the Expedi|tion of Xerxes.
SECT. II. Of such things as fell out amongst the Graecians, from their Victories at Plataea and Mycale, until the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, containing the space of 48 years.
SECT. III. From the beginning of the Peloponnesian War to the ending thereof, containing the space of 27 years.
SECT. IV. From the end of the Peloponnesian War to the beginning of the reign of Philip King of Macedonia, containing the space of 44 years.
SECT. V. From the beginning of the reign of Philip King of Macedonia, to the Monarchy of Alexander his Son, containing the space of 31 years.
CHAP. III. The affairs of Sicilie during this Empire.
SECT. I. The first Names and Inhabitants of this Island, with a relation of such things as preceded the Persian Empire.
SECT. II. Of such thing as were Contemporary with the Persian Empire.
CHAP. IV. The affairs of the Romans contem|porary with the second Empire.
SECT. I. From the Banishment of Tarquinius and first change of the Government, to the alteration made by the Decemvivi, the space of 57 years.
SECT. II. From the Creation of the Decemviri to the War of Privernae, which fell out the same year that Darius Codomannus died: the space of 121 years.
AN INSTITUTION OF General History. The First Part. BOOK III. Of the Empire of the Macedonians, and Affairs of the World Contempora|ry with it.
CHAP. I. From the beginning of the Monarchy of Alexander to his death, containing the space of six years and ten moneths.
CHAP. II. Of such things as hapned after the death of Alexander amongst his Captains, till their Cantonizing of his Empire into their par|ticular Kingdoms, and their taking the Stile and Title of Kings upon them, containing the space of 17 years.
CHAP. III. From Alexanders Captains taking the Title of Kings, to the death of Seleucus the Surviver of them, containing the space of 24 years.
CHAP. IV. The Macedonian Kingdom. From the death of Seleucus to the Captivity of Perseus, and the end of this Kingdom, containing the space of 139 years.
CHAP. V. The Asian and Syrian Kingdom.
CHAP. VI. The Aegyptian Kingdom.
Contemporaries with the Empire of the Macedonians.
CHAP. VIII. The affaires of Sicilie Contemporary with the Empire of the Macedonians.
CHAP. IX. The affaires of the Romans Contem|porary with the Empire of the Macedonians.
SECT. I. From the War of Privernum to the first Punick War, wherein the Romans first set foot out of Italy, the space of 66 years.
SECT. II. From the First Punick War, to that with Antiochus the Great, in which the Romans first invaded Asia, the space of 37 years.
SECT. III. From the War with Antiochus, and the invasion of Asia, to the destruction of Carthage, after which the Romans dege|nerated through security, the space of 45 years.
SECT. IV. From the destruction of Carthage to the War with Mithridates King of Pontus, which afforded the occasion to the first Civil War, the space of 58 years.
SECT. V. From the War with Mithridates, and first Civil War, to the combina|nation of Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, termed by Varro Tricipitina, which proved the ruin of the Po|pular Government, for the space for 28 years.
SECT. VI. From the beginning of the Tricipitina or first Triumvirate, to the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, containing the space of sixteen years.
SECT. VII. From the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, to the end of the second Triumvirate, and the absolutenesse of Octavius Caesar, or Caesar Octavianus, the space of 15 years.
AN INSTITUTION OF General History. The First Part. BOOK IV. The Roman Empire.
CHAP. I. From the absolutenesse of Octavius, to the death of Tiberius, containing the space of 66 years.
CHAP. II. From the death of Tiberius to that of Nero, the last Emperour of Caesar's family, containing the space of 20 years.
CHAP. III. From the death of Nero to that of Domitian, the last of the fa|mily of Vespasian, the space of 27 years.
CHAP. IV. From the death of Domitian to that of Pertinax, and the exposing of the Empire to publick sale by the Soldiers, the space of 97 years.
CHAP. V. From the death of Pertinax, and the exposing of the Empire to sale, to the death of Maximinus the first elected Emperour without consent of the Senate, the space of 45 years.
CHAP. VI. From the death of Maximinus the first created Emperour without consent of the Senate, to the Monarchy of Constantine the first Christian Emperour, who reformed Religion, and translated the Imperial seat to Byzantium, the space of 86 years.


During Caesar's Consulship

During his consulship, in 59 (elections were held before the year in office), Caesar pushed through Pompey's land settlements, which were to be administered by Crassus and Pompey. This was also when Caesar saw to it that the acts of the Senate were published for public reading. Julius Caesar obtained the provinces he had wanted to take charge of after his term as consul ended and finagled his desired five year-term as proconsul. These provinces were Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum -- not what the Senate had wished for him.

The doggedly moral Optimate Cato did all he could to thwart the aims of the triumvirate. He had help from the year's second consul, Bibulus, who boycotted and vetoed Caesar. Many


Cicero’s Contribution to the Renaissance

Scholars say the Italian Renaissance really began when the poet Petrarch unearthed Cicero’s letters in 1345 and later, leading Enlightenment thinkers John Locke and Voltaire saw Cicero as immortal. More recently, historian Michael Grant wrote, “the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas greatly exceeds that of any other prose writer in any language.”

Beyond the togas, sandals, and grandeur, Rome degenerated into authoritarian rule under the Second Triumvirate. Caesar’s former henchman Mark Antony commanded his army to incite violence for political ends, persecuting constitutionalists like Cicero and Brutus, who spoke truth to power.

Antony had an insatiable appetite for tyranny, civic disrespect, and drunkenness, even vomiting in the senate chamber. By 44-43 B.C., Cicero had had enough, unleashing 14 scathing Philippics against Mark Antony’s debauched character. These speeches are masterpieces. Rome’s political bloodsport escalated, and Antony’s soldiers hunted down and butchered Cicero. This tragedy teaches students how despots destroy republics.

The historian Plutarch reports that Antony “laugh[ed] aloud for joy many times,” having ordered his men to cut off Cicero’s head and right hand, “with which Cicero had written the speeches against him…” Then Antony had them placed in the public forum.

Cicero’s martyrdom has inspired liberty-loving patriots across eras. But not in our time. Former Massachusetts governor Deval Patrick killed off a basic history-civics graduation requirement, which current Gov. Charlie Baker thus far has lacked the courage to reinstate. At the federal level, the Obama administration also canceled national U.S. history and civics tests, substituting them with technology literacy tests, a decision the Trump administration has yet to revisit.

“To be ignorant of what occurred before you were born is to remain always a child,” Cicero said. “For what is the worth of human life, unless it is woven into the life of our ancestors by the records of history?”

If American schooling seeks to revitalize its historic duty to teach civic knowledge, it should look to Cicero, our civilization’s most compelling profile in eloquent statesmanship.


Kyk die video: Otto de Bruijne over Bidden met Israël (Augustus 2022).