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Steenkalf uit laat Uruk -era

Steenkalf uit laat Uruk -era



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Die argeologie en geskiedenis van bitumen

Bitumen-ook bekend as asfalt of teer-is 'n swart, olierige, viskose vorm van petroleum, 'n natuurlike organiese byproduk van ontbinde plante. Dit is waterdig en ontvlambaar, en hierdie merkwaardige natuurlike stof is die afgelope 40 000 jaar deur mense gebruik vir 'n wye verskeidenheid take en gereedskap. Daar is 'n aantal verwerkte tipes bitumen wat in die moderne wêreld gebruik word, wat ontwerp is vir die plaveisel van strate en dakhuise, asook bymiddels vir diesel of ander gasolies. Die uitspraak van bitumen is "BICH-eh-men" in Brits-Engels en "by-TOO-men" in Noord-Amerika.


Steenkalf uit die laat Uruk -era - Geskiedenis

Engelse oorspronklike van: "L adaption de l & eacutecriture cun & eacuteiforme B l akkadien," pp. 41-48 in En Syrie: Aux origines de l & eacutecriture. Louvain: Brepols, 1997 (ook in Vlaams gepubliseer).

Die aanpassing van spykerskrif na Akkadies

Piotr Michalowski
Universiteit van Michigan, Ann Arbor

Niemand weet presies hoeveel tale daar vandag in die wêreld is nie. Die vrygewigste ramings dui daarop dat vyfduisend die boonste grens kan wees, maar dit is slegs 'n oorblyfsel van 'n veel ryker menslike erfenis. Duisende tale is verlore in die geskiedenis, en die meeste van hulle is slegs by ons bekend. Sommige van hierdie dooie tale het in enkele dele van die wêreld deur middel van skryf oorleef, en die grootste groep vind ons uit Wes -Asië en Noord -Afrika, waar duisende jare gelede 'n verskeidenheid skrifte gebruik is om boodskappe op klei te bewaar, papirus en klip. Die eerste onder hulle was die spykerskrifstelsel.

Spykerskrif is 3300 jaar en miskien selfs langer gebruik, ongeveer 3200 vC. Wat begin het as 'n komplekse, maar sistematiese instrument vir die registrasie van administratiewe transaksies, het uiteindelik 'n middel geword vir die permanente aantekening van uitsprake in die Sumeriese taal. Sumeriese geskrifte het baie veranderings ondergaan en het mettertyd soepel genoeg geword dat dit as 'n middel vir ander tale uit baie verskillende gesinne gebruik kon word, waaronder Eblaite, Elamite, Hurrian, Hetite, Urartaean en, belangrikste van alles, Akkadies. Akkadies het tot die Semitiese taalfamilie behoort, wat onder meer Aramees, Arabies, Fenisies en Hebreeus insluit, en was self verdeel in dialekte, hoofsaaklik Assiries en Babilonies. Die verhaal van die ontwikkeling van die Akkadiese skryfwerk is kompleks en behels baie kwessies, waarvan sommige slegs direk verband hou met tegniese epigrafiese aangeleenthede.

Spykerskrif, of liewer proto-spykerskrif, is omstreeks 3200 vC in die suide van Mesopotamië uitgevind, miskien binne die mure van die stad Uruk gedurende die laaste deel van die tydperk wat argeoloë laat Uruk noem. Die oorsprong van die skryfstelsel en die historiese agtergrond van die tye is hierbo deur Hans Nissen beskryf en hoef nie hier herkapituleer te word in die volgende nie.

Die laat Uruk -tydperk was 'n unieke tydperk in die menslike geskiedenis. Binne tweehonderd jaar of so is die sosiale en fisiese landskap van Suid -Mesopotamië onherroeplik verander. Die fokuspunt van hierdie proses was die stad Uruk en sy omgewing. Die stad het gegroei tot 'n ware metropool, wat 'n oppervlakte van 250 hektaar en behuising beslaan, volgens sommige ramings, maar 50 000 mense was Uruk destyds groter as Athene tydens sy glorie. Die omliggende streke het dienooreenkomstig gegroei, en opnames het getoon dat die aantal omliggende dorpe en dorpe in die laat Uruk -tye van 11 tot 110 toegeneem het, 'n verstommende toename volgens enige standaarde. So indrukwekkend hierdie getalle is, is dit bloot tekens van komplekse sosiale veranderinge. Ons weet nie waar die grootste deel van die nuwe bevolking vandaan kom nie, en ons kan net die ontwrigtings sowel as nuwe geleenthede wat hierdie omwentelinge in mense se lewens gebring het, vermoed. Die nuwe stedelike omgewing, waar die intimiteit van die klein dorpslewe verruil is vir 'n meer komplekse verhouding, het nuwe trou en nuwe sosiale hiërargieë meegebring. Individue het nou baie verskillende rolle gehad en moes op verskillende tye met verskillende identiteite as lede van gesinne, wyke sowel as die stad as geheel jongleren. Die grootte van Uruk het nuwe probleme en nuwe geleenthede veroorsaak, aangesien individue in verhoudings met vreemdelinge in ander dele van die stad ingetrek is, en 'n hele nuwe burokrasie moes geskep word om sulke sake te bestuur. Kommunikasie op afstand het 'n belangrike sosiale feit geword en dit moes 'n diepgaande uitwerking op die tale van die tyd gehad het.

Ons praat hier van die tydperk wat onmiddellik voorafgegaan het aan die uitvinding van skryf, en daarom moet alle besprekings oor taal spekulatief wees. As ons egter op hierdie manier wil voortgaan, moet een ander historiese omstandigheid in ag geneem word in enige bespreking van taalgedrag in die laat Uruk -tyd. Net voor hierdie tydperk kan 'n merkwaardige uitbreiding van die suidelike Mesopotamiese kultuur opgespoor word in die argeologiese rekord van Wes -Asië, en selfs so ver as die Nyl -delta. Op die handelsroetes wat Sumer met Iran, Sirië en Anatolië verbind het, het daar nuwe nedersettings verskyn wat duidelik buiteposte van die Uruk -kultuur was. Te oordeel na die opgegrawe materiaal, het sommige daarvan, soos Habuba Kebira in Sirië, geheel en al bestaan ​​uit koloniste uit Mesopotamië. Op ander plekke, soos verder op die Eufraat in Anatolië, kan 'n mens duidelik onderskei tussen die Mesopotamiërs en die lede van die plaaslike kultuur. 'N Sekondêre uitvloeisel van hierdie uitbreiding word verteenwoordig deur Buto in die Nyldelta, waar die materiële kultuur sterk beïnvloed word deur Uruk -tradisies uit Sirië, maar nie identies is aan dié van die ander kolonies nie. Die werklike funksies van hierdie uitbreiding is sterk bespreek, maar hierdie kwessies is vir ons min kommer hieroor. Wat wel saak maak, is dat gedurende al die Uruk byna al hierdie plekke uit die argeologiese rekord verdwyn. Wat ook al die redes vir hierdie oënskynlike ineenstorting van die handelsstelsel is, is dit redelik om aan te neem dat ten minste sommige van die inwoners van hierdie nedersettings na die hartland teruggekeer het, na Sumer. 'N Mens kan redelik bespiegel dat hul eie taal sekere argaïsme wat verdwyn het of verander het in die minder konserwatiewe omgewing van die stad sou bewaar het, maar ook dat hulle leenwoorde saamgebring het wat hulle opgetel het uit die inheemse bevolkings wat die kolonies omring het .

Daar kan geen twyfel bestaan ​​dat die laat Uruk -tydperk 'n tyd van vinnige taalkundige verandering was nie. As 'n reël is die tempo van taalverandering vinniger in stedelike omgewings, en die komplekse sosiale en historiese kragte wat hierbo uiteengesit is, moes die tempo van hierdie ontwikkelings verhoog het. Ons moet ook 'n groot mate van tweetaligheid, selfs eentaligheid, binne 'n groot deel van die bevolking vermoed. Selfs vandag, in 'n heel ander wêreld, lank na die opkoms van die volkstaat, word steeds geraam dat minstens die helfte van die mense in die wêreld tweetalig is. Dit alles mag vanselfsprekend lyk, maar eintlik is baie van hierdie sosio-linguistiese faktore selde in ag geneem by besprekings van taalverandering en die ontwikkeling van skryfwerk in Sumer. Die primêre model vir taalverandering is al jare lank die vervangingsmodel. In baie gevalle word geglo dat baie in die ver-voorgeskiedenis in die suide van Mesopotamië beset was deur 'n onbekende taalgroep of groepe, soms na verwys as Proto-Tigridiërs. Hierdie mense is vervang deur 'n inkomende groep, die Sumeriërs, en hulle het op hul beurt plek gemaak vir sprekers van Akkadies. Daar word vermoed dat hierdie historiese proses skriftelik weerspieël is: die spykerskrifstelsel is uitgevind deur die eerste groep, vinnig toegepas op Sumeries, en dan op sy beurt aangepas by Ou Akkadian.

Aantreklik soos hierdie skema mag lyk, sal dit eenvoudig nie doen nie. Soos ons reeds opgemerk het, sou dit 'n fout wees om aan te neem dat gebiede soos Sumer taalkundig homogeen was. Belangriker nog, daar is geen rede om te dink dat die skryftaal 'n aanduiding is van die een hipotetiese taal wat in 'n spesifieke gebied gepraat word nie. Inteendeel, die geskiedenis van die mens is gevul met voorbeelde van mense wat een taal skryf en 'n ander taal praat. Ons moet dus versigtig wees om taal, veral geskrewe taal, nie gelyk te stel aan kulture of met spesifieke etniese groepe nie.

Om sake nog verder te bemoeilik, is die taalkundige identiteit van die eerste tablette-wat ons nie moet verwar met die volkstaal van hul skrywers nie-'n saak van omstredenheid. Sommige geleerdes beweer dat spykerskrif nie geskik was vir Sumeries nie, en daarom moes dit uitgevind word deur sprekers van 'n onbekende, vroeëre taal. Ander, meer versigtig, het die vonnis daaroor opgeskort en aangevoer dat ons op die oomblik eenvoudig nie genoeg inligting het om oor te gaan nie. In die afgelope jaar het die teorie dat Sumeries die onderliggende taal was, besig om veld te wen. Die belangrikste leidraad vir hierdie argument word gevind in die ontluikende fonetisering van die skrif. 'N Goeie voorbeeld hiervan is die teken AMA,' moeder ', wat as PISAN' boks 'geskryf is, met 'n kleiner teken met die waarde AM6. In hierdie kombinasie, wat ons gewoonlik as PISANxAM weergee6, die kleiner teken is 'n fonetiese aanvulling, wat ons help om dit as Sumeriese AMA te lees. Dit beteken egter nie noodwendig dat die hele Uruk -stelsel geskep is om Sumeriese uitsprake voor te stel nie. Die eerste skrif was nie taalkundig van aard nie; dit was 'n onafhanklike kommunikasiestelsel wat parallel was met taal, was nou verwant daaraan, maar was in wese onafhanklik. Slegs noodsaaklike, geformaliseerde burokratiese notasies is geregistreer, en 'n deel van die boodskap is op ander maniere uitgespreek as om self te skryf. So kan die tipe handelsware of die tekstuele genre opgemerk word deur die formaat van die teks of selfs deur die vorm van 'n tablet. Die daaropvolgende geskiedenis van spykerskrif toon 'n geleidelike samesmelting van die twee-taal en die nuwe uitvinding-totdat hulle 'n punt van onstabiele samesmelting bereik. Toe het op sy beurt die teenoorgestelde plaasgevind. Natuurlike taal het steeds verander en selfs sterf, terwyl geskrewe taal relatief stabiel gebly het.

Hierdie proses van samesmelting tussen taal en skryf is nie goed gedokumenteer nie. Teen 2600 vC, toe die eerste literêre tekste in groot getalle verskyn, het die proses plaasgevind en bestaan ​​daar geen twyfel oor die taalkundige identiteit van die inhoud van kleitablette nie. Maar terwyl die taal nog geleef het, was die Sumeriese skryfstelsel nooit bedoel om enige taalkundige segment volledig uit te druk nie. Dit is eers in die tweede millennium, toe die taal nie meer die moedertaal van iemand was nie, wat slegs as 'n argaïese artefak in skole en tempels oorleef het, dat dit volledig uitgeskryf is. Ons kan sommige dele van die vroeë literêre tekste verstaan, maar ons kan dit nie volledig rekonstrueer uit die sogenaamde kernkuns wat destyds gebruik is nie. Slegs sommige van die grammatikale en fonologiese inligting wat nodig was vir begrip, is neergeskryf. Die leser het slegs 'n skeletweergawe van 'n teks ontvang, en die verwagte elemente sou na verwagting voorsien word. Hier is 'n klassieke voorbeeld van hierdie soort kerngeskrif uit 'n vroeë dinastiese Sumeriese literêre teks, die oorspronklike teks word gevolg deur die volledige spelling wat in 'n 18de -eeuse weergawe gebruik sou word. Daar moet op gelet word dat die aksent- en getalindekse in transliterasies nie 'n uitspraakmerk is nie, maar slegs dien om tekens te identifiseer en dat die verhoogde d 'n afkorting is van dingir, die klassifiseerder vir goddelike wesens.

"(Die god) Enki spreek (sy vizier) Isimud aan"

Alhoewel die lees van hierdie soort volledige tekste vir ons 'n moeilike en soms onmoontlike taak is, moet ons aanvaar dat dit sonder moeite vir diegene was vir wie die geskrifte eintlik bedoel was. Eerstens het hulle die taal eintlik geken, en ons kan dit slegs benader, en tweedens, maar net so belangrik, was hulle ook goed vertroud met die tekste. Ons weet dat skrifgeleerdes in latere tydperke letterkundige komposisies gememoriseer het, selfs in tale wat nie meer gepraat is nie, en dat die mondelinge komponent die geskrewe vorm vergesel het. Daar is geen rede om aan te neem dat dinge in die derde millennium baie anders was nie.

Die wyse waarop 'n uiting deur so 'n kernmetode van uitdrukking uitgedruk kan word, verskil van taal tot taal. Sumeriese woordwortels was hoofsaaklik monosillabies, en dus kon 'n mens maklik een woord met een teken uitdruk. Dit beteken egter nie dat tekens vir elke woord in die taal, of selfs vir die gemiddelde woordeskat wat in alledaagse spraak gebruik word, ontwikkel is nie. Dit was nie prakties of nodig nie. Aangesien die draaiboek vir 'n spesifieke doel ontwikkel is-die opname van 'n beperkte reeks burokratiese aktiwiteite-was die aantal diskrete simbole beperk. Die skrifgeleerdes van Uruk IV het ongeveer 1200 tekens gebruik, maar hierdie getal is vinnig verminder tot 'n meer hanteerbare repertoire.

Tot dusver het ons die ontwikkeling van spykerskrif bespreek wat gebruik is vir die uitdrukking van die Sumeriese taal. Die aanpassing van die skrif vir Akkadies, of, in die breër gesproke, vir Semitiese tale, is 'n komplekse probleem wat nog nie goed verstaan ​​word nie. 'N Paar dekades gelede was die saak relatief eenvoudig. In die vier-en-twintigste eeu het 'n heerser uit die Kish-gebied met die naam Sargon (2334-2279 v.C.), 'n troonnaam wat 'ware koning' in Akkadies beteken, daarin geslaag om die hele suidelike en noordelike Babilonië te verower, sy hoofstad te vestig in die nuwe stad Agade, en onder andere groot hervormings, het Akkadies as amptelike taal van staatskaping, burokrasie en skoolopleiding saam met Sumeries bekendgestel. Die tydperk van sy regering en die van sy opvolgers word die Sargoniese of Ou Akkadiese dinastie genoem (2334-2154 vC). Alhoewel Sumeries teruggebring sou word as die belangrikste amptelike taal vir slegs 'n eeu se heerskappy onder die daaropvolgende Derde Dinastie van Ur (2112-2004 v.C.), was dit maar 'n taalkundige handeling. Akkadies het uiteindelik die oorhand gekry as die enigste administratiewe taal van Mesopotamië, terwyl Sumeries slegs as literêre en liturgiese taal in gebruik bly. 'N Mens het aanvaar dat spykerskrif iewers in die noorde aangepas is by die Ou Akkadiaan-die dialek van die ryk van Sargon-in die era wat voorafgegaan het aan die bewind van die nuwe koning. Vandag is hierdie saak nie meer so eenvoudig nie. Voordat ons die kompliserende faktore beskryf, kan dit nuttig wees om die kenmerke te beskryf wat Semitiese tale anders as Sumeries maak en 'n algemene beskrywing gee van die beginsels van Ou Akkadiese spykerskrif.

Die basiese strukturele beginsels van spykerskrif was relatief eenvoudig. Daar was in wese slegs drie soorte tekens: woordtekens, ook genoem logogramme, sillabiese tekens en klassifiseerders, dit is tekens wat leidrade verskaf het rakende die semantiese klas van 'n woord. Aangesien die meeste tekens meer as een gebruik gehad het, was daar grafieke wat elkeen van hierdie funksies kan aanneem, afhangende van die konteks. Die beste voorbeeld hiervan het die lewe begin as 'n prentjie van 'n ster.

LOGOGRAM BETEKENBARE TEKENKLASSIFIKAAT

Alhoewel dit onredelik moeilik lyk, was daar in die praktyk min onduidelikheid in die teks. Dit is duidelik hoe die sillabiese waardes ontstaan ​​het: die groot aantal monosillabiese woorde in Sumeries het die materiaal verskaf. Die klassifiseerders was gewoonlik onuitgesproke. Sommige, soos dingir, wat gespesifiseer het dat die volgende was die naam van 'n godheid, of gi, "hout", is voor selfstandige naamwoorde geplaas, terwyl ander, soos ki, "geografiese naam", daarna gekom het.

Miskien lê die belangrikste verskil tussen Sumeries en Akkadies, of enige ander Semitiese taal, in die struktuur van woordwortels. In Sumeries was die wortels hoofsaaklik monosillabies en, belangriker, intern onveranderlik. Hulle het geen grammatikale geslag nie, en die enigste manier waarop hulle gewysig kon word, was deur deeltjies voor of agteruit te plaas. Selfstandige naamwoorde verskil van verbale wortels en byvoeglike naamwoorde was in wese vereenvoudigde werkwoorde. Woorde soos en, "liniaal", kur, "berg, vreemde land", "kalam", (inheemse) land, "gal", "groot" of pad, "om te noem", kan met deeltjies gewysig word, maar nie deur Met behulp van infikse of interne veranderings kan hulle in kettings saamgebind word met die byvoeging van aanhegsels wat grammatikale verwantskappe uitdruk. En was dus "heerser", maar nam-en was "heerskappy", kur was "vreemde grond", en kur-kur het "al die vreemde lande" beteken. In kombinasie bevat hulle sinsdele en sinne, sodat die uitdrukking "heer van die land" in grammatikale terme en kalam.ak sou wees, dit wil sê heer+land+besitlike deeltjie (van). Taalkundige sowel as ortografiese reëls vereis dat dit as en kalam-ma geskryf moet word, aangesien /k /in die laaste posisie val en vokale eindpunte geskryf is met 'n lettergreep wat die laaste konsonant van die wortel bevat, in hierdie geval /m /.

Die Semitiese wortel is 'n abstraksie, gewoonlik bestaande uit 'n drie-konsonant skelet wat gevul kan word met klinkers en selfs met ander medeklinkers, verander deur reduplikasie van een van die konsonante, sowel as gewysig deur voor- en agtervoegsels. Dus die wortel KRB in Akkadies kan gebruik word om 'n wye verskeidenheid woorde te skep met die algemene betekenis van "seën, gebed:" karabu, "om te seën," takrub, "jy is geseënd," takarrab, "jy sal seën," of ikribu, "seën, gebed." Om die verskillende strukturele kenmerke van hierdie taal te akkommodeer, het die Ou Akkadiese skrifgeleerdes 'n stelsel gebruik wat hoofsaaklik sillabies was. So om die werkwoord te skryf takrub, "u geseënd," sou hulle vier lettergreeptekens gebruik: ta-ak-ru-ub. Al hierdie waardes was reeds in Sumeries beskikbaar: ta was 'n grammatikale deeltjie, ak was die werkwoord "om te doen", ru was 'n verbale wortel en ub was "hoek". Bykomende sillabiese waardes is verkry deur die afkorting van Akkadiese vertalings van woorde. So was die Sumeriese gi, 'hout' isum in Akkadies en hieruit kom die lettergreep /is /, wat gebruik kan word vir /iz /, /is /, sowel as /is /(s is 'n nadruklike klank soortgelyk aan ts). Op hierdie manier het die Mesopotamiese skrifgeleerdes 'n volledige repertoire van sillabiese tekens ontwikkel: eenvoudige vokale soos a, u en i, sowel as konsonant-klinker en klinker-konsonante eenhede soos ad/t of da/ta. Vanaf die middel van die derde millennium sou u dus Akkadies, en selfs selfs Sumeries, op 'n suiwer sillabiese manier kon skryf met 'n verminderde repertoire van ongeveer 150 tekens. Uiteindelik is die tekenrepertoire vergroot en baie tekens het veelvuldige logografiese en sillabiese waardes verkry, maar briewe en dokumente is steeds relatief eenvoudig, hoofsaaklik sillabies, geskryf.

Ontdekkings wat die afgelope paar dekades gemaak is, het dit duidelik gemaak dat Semitiese tale, insluitend Akkadies, neergeskryf is voor die koms van volledig sillabiese skryfwerk. Daar is tekste uit die tydperk voor die tyd van Sargon wat duidelik in Akkadies is, alhoewel dit uitsluitlik of byna uitsluitlik met Sumeriese logogramme geskryf is. In teorie kan 'n mens sê dat daar slegs soveel moontlike maniere is om 'n stelsel soos spykerskrif vir die skryf van Sumeries en Akkadies te gebruik: 'n Teks kan wees:

1. in Sumeries geskryf en gelees,

2. in Akkadies geskryf en gelees,

3. in Sumeries geskryf en in Akkadies gelees, of

4. in Akkadies geskryf en in Sumeries gelees.

'N Vroeë tablet wat slegs met woordtekens geskryf is, lyk taalkundig ondeurdringbaar as ons al die tekens ken, dan kan ons dit verstaan, maar ons kan nie seker wees van die onderliggende taal nie. In die praktyk is daar 'n aantal leidrade wat 'n mens kan gebruik om die waarskynlike taalkundige identiteit van 'n gegewe teks vas te stel. Die oorsprong van die voorwerp bevat 'n paar inligting: 'n teks uit die noorde van Babilonië is meer waarskynlik Semities, terwyl een uit Sumer Sumeries moet wees. Dit is egter slegs 'n duimreël, aangesien daar aantoonbaar Sumeriese tekste uit die noorde en Akkadies uit die suide is. 'N Ander aanduiding kan gevind word in een of meer sillabiese tekens wat uit 'n spesifieke taal gelees word. As dit lyk asof 'n koninklike inskripsie in Sumeries geskryf is, maar voor 'n pleknaam 'n lettergreep bevat / in / wat slegs geïnterpreteer kan word as die Akkadiese deeltjie in, ons kan aanvaar dat die hele teks in Semities gelees moet word. Ander aanwysers is minder duidelik. Daar was 'n paar logogramme en sillabiese tekens wat uitsluitlik in Akkadiese en ander Semitiese tale soos Eblaite gebruik is, maar nooit in Sumeries nie. 'N Goeie voorbeeld hiervan is die woord "getuie" wat in Sumeries geskryf is as ki inim-ma, wat ooreenstem met Akkadies boemelaar, wat 'ouderling' beteken, sowel as 'getuie'. Die standaard Sumeriese tekens is nie gebruik as logogramme in Akkadiese tekste van die derde millennium nie. Dit is eerder uitgedruk deur middel van die logogram wat ons translitereer as AB+& Aacute, en wat ooreenstem met die Sumeriese woord vir "ouderling". Dit lyk asof hierdie soort reëls voldoende kriteria bied vir die taalkundige identifisering van tekste, maar sekere tekste weerstaan ​​'n maklike indeling. Neem byvoorbeeld die volgende fragmentariese tablet:

1. lugal- & aacute-zi-da Mr. Lugalazida

2. & aacuterad Lugal-ki-gal-la die slaaf van Lugalkigal

5. ki z & agraveh-a-na Sy wegkruipplek

6. g & eacuteme ur-ki-ke4 die slavin van Urki

8. in ma -k & agrave-ni- "In (die stad) Mashkan-

Gewapen met die bogenoemde kriteria, hoe kan ons die taal van hierdie regsteks vasstel? Op grond van die tekenvorms kan ons dit dateer uit die tyd van die dinastie van Sargon. Die oorsprong van die tablet is onseker of dit van Nippoer afkomstig is, maar dit is nie 'n beslissende kenmerk nie, aangesien ons Sumeriese sowel as Akkadiese tekste uit die stad het. 'N Mens moet byvoeg dat die teks stukkend is en dat daar moontlik beter inligting in die ontbrekende reëls was, maar die ondersoeker moet sulke onvolledige tablette meer gereeld konfronteer. Op die eerste oogopslag dui alles op Sumeriese, met een klassieke uitsondering-die deeltjie in vervat in reël 8. Skielik vind ons dat die netjiese reeks moontlikhede wat hierbo genoem is, onvoldoende kan blyk te wees. Die moontlikheid bestaan ​​dat die hele teks Akkadies was en dat reëls 1-7 bloot Sumeriese logogramme is wat ontwerp is om in die Semitiese taal gelees te word. Interessanter nog sou 'n mens beweer dat die twee tale deurmekaar was, die hoofprotokol van die regsgedinge is in Sumeries hersien en die getuienis van die hoofgetuie, wat as direkte toespraak geregistreer is, is neergeskryf in die taal waarin dit gegee is , dit wil sê in Akkadies.

Gedurende die Sargoniese tydperk het Akkadies vinnig die dominante skryftaal geword. Dit bestaan ​​saam met Sumeries, hoofsaaklik in die suide, as die taal van briewe en administrasie, maar het gou begin oorheers in koninklike inskripsies en ander monumentale vertoontekste. Die Sargoniese staat het in die dekades na 2200 verbrokkel, en na 'n kort tydperk van plaaslike bewind is Mesopotamië weer onder een vaandel herenig, hierdie keer gesentreer in die suidelike stad Ur. Die Derde dinastie van Ur (2112-2004) is een van die bes gedokumenteerde tydperke van die Mesopotamiese geskiedenis, en laat talle administratiewe en ekonomiese rekords agter. Ons beskik tans oor meer as 30.000 gepubliseerde spykerskrifttablette uit die tyd van hierdie dinastie en talle meer lê ongelees in die laaie van museums en in die heuwels van die moderne Irak. Slegs 'n baie klein persentasie van hierdie omvangryke dokumentasie is in Akkadies geskryf, en dit is een van die redes waarom sommige geleerdes hierdie tydperk 'Neo-Sumeriaans' genoem het, selfs om dit te noem as die 'Neo-Sumeriese Renaissance' . " Dit is bedoel om die idee oor te dra dat die bekendstelling van Akkadiaans deur Sargon en sy opvolgers 'n etniese en taalkundige politiek was, wat dan teengewerk is deur 'n nasionalistiese reaksie van die konings van Ur, wat die eerbiedwaardige Sumeriese tradisies herstel het, waaronder hul taal, na die val van die Akkad -staat. Dit is 'n hoogs anachronistiese interpretasie van die feite, wat kontroversies van die moderne tyd in die taalbeleid van die verlede uitbeeld. Die feit dat die meeste tekste uit die tyd van die konings van Ur in Sumeries geskryf is, is deels 'n gevolg van die sentralisering van die burokratiese mag en die instelling van 'n relatief eenvormige stel rekeningkundige prosedures in die kerngebiede van die staat, en deels as gevolg van steekproefnemingsprobleme. Eenvoudig gesê, hoewel ons 'n ongekende massa dokumente uit hierdie tydperk het, kom die oorgrote meerderheid tablette uit slegs 'n paar stede. Ons weet dat Akkadies op 'n paar plekke saam met Sumeries gebruik is, veral in die noorde. Toe die ryk verbrokkel en Ur in 2004 vC val, is die lot van Sumeries as 'n taal vir alledaagse gebruik verseël. Die klein opvolgerstate in Sumer het vir 'n paar generasies steeds Sumeries gebruik, maar in die noorde neem Akkadiaans oor, wat binnekort die enigste geskrewe taal van administrasie, besigheid en handel word. Die laaste Sumeriese brief dateer uit ongeveer 1930 vC.

Die sillabiese beginsel wat ontwikkel is vir die skryf van Semitiese tale, is nooit streng geformaliseer nie en het gedurende die geskiedenis van spykerskrif vloeibaar gebly. Die soort sillabiese tekens wat gebruik is, die manier waarop dit gekombineer is, sowel as die aantal tekens, het oor tyd en ruimte verander. Tog kan 'n mens ondubbelsinnig verklaar dat die beginsels van Ou -Akkadiese skrif die grondslag vir alle daaropvolgende ontwikkelings geskep het. Die sillabiese beginsel het 'n mens in staat gestel om enige woord op 'n relatief eenvoudige manier uit te spel. Dit beteken egter nie dat die ouer logografiese manier om woorde te skryf verouderd geraak het nie. Inteendeel, die twee beginsels is saam gebruik vir doeltreffende kommunikasie. Die relatiewe persentasie sillabiese en logografiese geskrifte het sinchronies sowel as diachronies gewissel, en spykerskrif kon op enige gegewe tydstip anders gebruik word, afhangende van die tipe teks waarmee u te doen het. 'N Skrywer wat in 1800 voor Christus in Babilon geskryf het, sou honderd -en -vyftig of minder lettergreeptekens sowel as 'n paar logogramme gebruik om 'n brief namens 'n sakeman te skryf, maar sou 'n groter repertoire van logogramme benodig om 'n roetine -verslag te skryf. Geleerdes wat 'n millennium later literêre werke by Assiriese howe gekopieer het, sou 'n veel groter voorraad tekens, miskien meer as seshonderd, moes ken om 'n groot verskeidenheid tekstuele genres te kon lees en skryf. Die belangrikste beginsel wat die gebruik van logogramme bepaal het, was voorspelbaarheid en roetine: woorde wat gereeld voorkom, is met woordtekens geskryf. Dus sou 'n skrifgeleerde wat gereeld 'n beperkte repertoire van items wat ingebring, geberg en uit 'n sentrale kantoor gebring word, rekenskap moet gee van dieselfde paar tekens om die goedere wat verskuif word, op te let. 'N Opsiener van diere kon dus 'n teken UDU vir die skape in sy taak skryf eerder as om dit uit te spel im-me-ru in sillabiese Akkadies. Op dieselfde manier sou skrifgeleerdes wat mediese of wetenskaplike tekste skryf spesifieke logografiese stelle ontwikkel om die spesifieke tegniese woordeskat van hul werk uit te druk.

Hierdie breë beginsel gaan net so ver om plaaslike en historiese verskille te verduidelik, want estetiese, ideologiese en sielkundige kragte was ook aan die werk. As 'n algemene reël is Akkadiese literêre tekste uit die tweede millennium hoofsaaklik sillabies, maar in die eerste millennium vind ons 'n toenemende gebruik van logografiese skryfwerk sowel as die ontwikkeling van nuwe sillabiese repertoires, sodat die aantal tekens wat gebruik word, dramaties toeneem. Die redes hiervoor is baie, en sommige daarvan het niks te doen met die tegniese aspekte van skryf nie. Die Akkadiese literêre taal was nou heeltemal anders as die volksmond, wat op sy beurt vinnig vervang is deur 'n ander Semitiese taal, Aramees, in die strate, markte en howe van Babilonië en Assirië. Die klein aantal mense wat kon lees en skryf, moes nou twee dooie tale leer-Akkadies sowel as Sumeries. Vir sommige skrifgeleerdes het die literêre tradisie 'n viering geword van die wortels van die beskawing en het kompleksiteit 'n besondere aansien gekry wat deur die verlede goedgekeur is.

Die laaste spykerskrif -tablet is 'n astronomiese almanak uit Babilon, gedateer 74/74 nC. Teen hierdie tyd het die stede Assirië en Babilonië in puin gelê en die uitbuiting van hul geleerdes en konings was net verbleikte herinneringe wat gerugte en legendes was. 'N Klein aantal geleerdes het die skrif lewendig gehou, maar die alfabet het reeds die plek van die eerbiedwaardige ou spykerskrif ingeneem. Ons weet nie hoe lank hierdie kennis geduur het nie, maar 'n paar bewyse dui daarop dat die vermoë om die wigvormige tekens te lees tot in die tweede eeu of selfs nog langer bestaan. 'N Tipiese kort gedeelte uit hierdie teks sal die manier demonstreer waarop 'n tegniese woordeskat uitgedruk kan word met woordtekens wat gelees kan word, selfs as 'n mens nie altyd seker is van die uitspraak van die onderliggende woorde nie:

14 gud ma -ma kur 14 na 27 kur

"Op die veertiende dag sal Mercurius in Tweeling opkom. Op die veertiende, maanondergang na sonsopkoms. Op die sewe en twintigste, laaste maansig voor sonop."

Hier staan ​​gud vir die planeet Mercurius en ma -ma vir die sterrebeeld Tweeling. Die teken kur, wat oorspronklik 'berg' in Sumeries beteken het, is in die laat -tyd astronomiese tekste op twee verskillende maniere gebruik. Dit kan 'n logogram vir die Akkadiese werkwoord wees napahu, wat die stygende en eerste sigbaarheid van hemelse verskynsels beskryf het, maar dit kan ook dien as 'n term vir die tydperk tussen maanopkoms en sonsopkoms, en dui aan die einde van die maand die laaste keer aan dat die maan sigbaar was voor die opkoms van die son. Die teken na, waarvan die lesing nie bekend is nie, is gebruik om die eerste keer in die maand wat die maan sak na sonsopkoms te registreer.

En op die ou end het dit alles omgedraai, want die laaste gedateerde tablet wat ons het, is byna uitsluitlik met logogramme geskryf, wat onbewustelik die derde millennium -oorsprong van die Akkadiese skryfwerk herinner.


Bronne

Chandler, C. K. en Don Kumpe
1996 Lithic Caches uit die onderste Rio Grande. La Tierra 23(4):37-41.

Hester, Thomas R. en L. M. Green
1972 Funksionele ontleding van groot gesigte uit San Saba County, Texas. Texas Journal of Science XXIV (3): 343-350.

Hester, Thomas R. en William Wilson
2004 'n Handelsblank uit die laer Rio Grande: verdere waarnemings op die groot Biface -uitruil in Suid -Texas. La Tierra 31(1):1-4.

Hester, Thomas R. en David L. Calame, sr.
2003 Veranderlikheid onder Biface Caches uit Suid- en Suid -Sentraal -Texas. La Tierra 30 (3&4):25-36.

Krieger, Alex D.
2003 Ons het kaal en kaal gekom. Die reis van Cabeza de Vaca oor Noord -Amerika. Geredigeer deur Margery H. Krieger. Universiteit van Texas Press, Austin.

Labadie, Joseph H.
1988 Argeologiese opgrawings by die Shrew Site, 41WN73, Wilson County, Texas. Kontrakverslae in argeologie 2, Texas State Department of Highways and Public Transportation, Austin.

Lintz, Christopher en Bryant Saner, Jr.
2002 The Hoerster Cache from 41MS67, Mason County, Texas. La Tierra 29(1):12-47.

Miller, Kevin A.
1993 A Study of Prehistoric Biface Caches from Texas. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Texas at Austin.

Six of the 29 cache bifaces discovered in 1929 by a young boy and his dog in southwestern Medina County and known as the Riley Cache. The six specimens shown in this photograph are classic cache bifaces: large, well-made, percussion-shaped, symmetrical bifaces that are triangular to ovate in outline.
The Kothmann Ranch Cache of three long, lanceolate bifaces comes from the San Miguel Creek drainage in Frio County, Texas and compares favorably to a broken biface of this style (far right) excavated in 1971 at the base of the deposits at the La Jita site in Uvalde County. Technologically, these bifaces have Paleoindian characteristics including the outline shape, flaking, and stem grinding. These bifaces have the outline typical of the Angostura point style in Texas, which has been dated at several sites during the 1990s to about 7000 B.C. and is considered by most to fall near the beginning of the Early Archaic period.
These eight bifaces from the Falcon-Tamaulipas Cache, were found in a tight stack with the two largest specimens said to have been carefully placed in a crisscross pattern at the top of the stack. Drawing by Richard McReynolds, from La Tierra.
These four thin triangular bifaces, here termed the Roma Cache, were found beneath a rectangular sandstone slab. The bottom two specimens found in two pieces they appear to have been intentionally broken by diagonal breaks near mid-section. The bifaces in this cache may well have been killed intentionally broken for ritual purposes before they were deposited. Drawing by Richard McReynolds, from La Tierra.
These bifaces from the Falcon-Scott Cache are among an unusually large set of 48-52 bifaces found in association with a burial exposed by drought in Falcon Lake. They are thought to date to the Late Archaic and most are classic cache bifaces made from local material derived from the Rio Grande gravels.
This atypical specimen from the Falcon-Scott Cache is of great importance, because it closely resembles San Saba Knives found in central Texas and thought to date to the Late Archaic. This specimen is also the only one of the many bifaces in the cache that appears to be made of Edwards Chert.

Badami: A Story in Stone

The city of Badami in Northern Karnataka, formerly known as Vatapi, was the capital of one of the greatest and most enduring dynasties in Southern India – the Chalukyas. There were three branches of the Chalukyas, the first of them being the ‘Badami Chalukyas’, who reigned from here from 543-753 CE.

The valleys of the Mallaprabha (where Badami lies) and the Ghataprabha (both tributaries of the Krishna River) formed the very fertile heart of the farm-based economy of this early empire. Nestled in an imposing ravine that cuts through the heart of the sandstone landscape by the Mallaprabha, the site is graced by some beautiful rock-cut temples that are remnants of a bygone era.

The story of Badami goes back hundreds of thousands of years, to when early humans using chopper-chopping tools of the Lower Palaeolithic period lived here. But it was in the early Iron Age that Megalithic peoples really settled in this region, which is dotted with a number of their burial sites. These are primarily stone dolmens or funerary monuments in stone.

There are, of course, legends woven around the region too. According to Puranic literature, the site of Vatapi was named after a demon of the same name who was killed here by the sage Agastya. This legend is retold in the Ramayana en die Mahabharata ook. According to the legend, the demon would take the form of a goat and his brother would cook him and feed him to unsuspecting travellers. Vatapi would then reassemble himself and tear out of the bodies of those who had eaten him, and he and his brother Illava would then feast on their corpses. They tried the same with Agastya, not knowing that the sage had a prodigious appetite and Vatapi was digested immediately and thus unable to reassemble.

The Badami Chalukyas reigned from Vatapi for two centuries. The earliest inscription dates back to 544 CE and the founder of the dynasty, Pulakeshin I (540 – 567 CE). The inscription deals with the fortifications here and makes it very clear that the selection was based on the site’s defensive nature. Pulakeshin’s descendants enlarged the empire and his grandson, Pulakeshin II (610-642 CE), defeated the Pallavas of Kanchipuram and went on to fight Harshavardhana of Thanesar (in modern-day Haryana) up North. The Chalukyan kings adorned the capital with a number of beautiful rock-cut temples. These temples, dating between the 6th and 8th centuries CE, are a timeless monument to this dynasty.

The cave temples of Badami along with the temples at Aihole and Pattadakal form one of the epicentres of Brahmanical/Hindu temple architecture in the Deccan. These three cities form a triumvirate of urban centres of the Badami Chalukyan dynasty. Pattadakal was where the kings were crowned, Aihole became a major religious centre (it has over 100 temples) and Badami was the capital city. Together, these cities formed the heart of the Chalukyan Empire. Some of these monuments are dedicated to Jainas too. There are four main caves, many lesser caves and other monuments from later times including the imposing Bhutanatha Temple. Adjacent to the Bhutanatha Temple is one of the most enigmatic and controversial caves at Badami.

Caves 1 to 4

The four most important and spectacular caves at Badami are Caves 1 to 4, and these are situated in a soft sandstone escarpment in the hill at Badami. The sandstone is very fine quality banded yellow to red sandstone, with very fine banding, and is very amenable to carving and polishing. This has resulted in a high degree of detail and an exquisite finish. Caves 1 to 3 are Brahmanical Caves and Cave 4 is a Jain Cave. The caves were sculpted between the 6th and 8th centuries CE.

Cave 1 has an imposing entrance that is cut 18 metres above the surface and has a steep flight of stairs leading up to it. The verandah of the cave has two wings cut into the rock, and on the right (as you face the cave from the outside) is a fantastic, 18-armed image of Shiva dancing the tandava with his son Ganesh to his left and Nandi behind him. He is accompanied by a seated drummer. />

The wing on the cave’s right is short and has a trident-bearing Shaivite dwarapala (doorkeeper) portrayed there. The entire verandah sits on a plinth with ganas frolicking below. Two square-sectioned columns flank each side of the entrance. Inside the cave are some very interesting images. One of the most prominent ones is that of Harihara (half Vishnu and half Shiva) flanked by their respective spouses, Laxmi and Parvati. There are also images of Ganesh and Kartikeya, the sons of Shiva, as well as other deities. The inner pillars are square-sectioned with cushion capitals and are reminiscent of the caves at Dharashiv and Elephanta.

Cave 2 lies above and to the east of Cave 1. It faces north and was made some time between the 6th and 7th century CE. There are 64 steps that lead up to the cave (64 is a very auspicious Vaishnavite number), which is dedicated to Vishnu. Images of Trivikrama and Varaha dominate this cave, with gana panels seen below both images.

The Trivikrama panel has an image of Vishnu as Vamana, the form taken by him before he reveals himself as Trivikrama. There are also many friezes from important Hindu texts, which include the Samudramanthana (churning of the ocean for ambrosia) the Birth of Krishna and Krishna playing a flute.

Cave 3 is probably the oldest and was built between 575 and 585 CE. It bears an inscription of Mangalesha, the third ruler of the Chalukyan dynasty. The inscription is dated 578 CE. It is a simple, rectangular cave with a courtyard, which is reached after climbing a broad flight of 60 stairs. The cave ‘sits’ on a raised pedestal, which has pairs of ganas carved into it. Hierdie ganas are reminiscent of the ganas seen at the Vakataka temples at Ramtek near Nagpur in Maharashtra. The outer column of pillars has a simple square section with elaborate capitals. It has a narrow verandah (7 feet wide) and a main pillared hall with a recessed sanctum. The pillars within are fluted with cushion capitals.

The cave is dedicated, in all probability, to Vishnu as most of the shrines within it are Vaishnavite. There are images of the Trivikrama, Varaha and Narasimha avatars of Vishnu a half Vishnu, half Shiva Harihara image there is also an image of the wedding of Shiva and Parvati and the central mandapa (porch or assembly hall) has eight images of gods carved into the ceiling. One of the most impressive images here is that of a four-armed Vishnu seated on Sheshanaga. This is a very rare depiction.

There are a few traces of fresco paintings telling us that, at one time, the sculptures, walls, ceilings and pillars were all covered in painted plaster. This is some of the earliest evidence of Brahmanical cave frescos in India. The paint in the ceiling panels of the verandah is still very fresh and a number of deities are seen within them. Many of the pillars depict erotic couples. The cave is exquisitely carved with painstakingly detailed sculptures.

Cave 4 is without doubt a Jain cave as can be seen from the Jaina icons in it. It is the last cave built in the complex and was built in the late 7th/early 8th century CE. It was possibly further embellished in the 11th century CE. It has elaborately carved pillars with recessed images on all four sides. The pillars are lavishly decorated with ornamental carvings.

Images of Mahavira, Parshvanatha and Bahubali are seen here. Mahavira is shown sitting on a lion throne and is flanked by chauri-bearers (attendants holding fly whisks). The sanctum has a Mahavira image bearing a 12th century CE Kannada inscription. The cave also has numerous yakshas en yakshis carved in it.

The ‘Buddhist’ Cave or Cave 5

Not far is one of the most controversial structures in Badami. It is a rock-cut cave with an image that looks like a seated Buddha, but adorned with jewellery, a yagnopavita (sacred thread) and with the Vaishnavite symbols of the conch and wheel. A pipal tree is also seen behind the image, which sits on a throne with chauri bearers around him. Sadly, the face is badly damaged and a positive identification is impossible.

Scholars have debated that the image is Buddhist, Vaishnavite Buddha (Buddha as an avatar of Vishnu as per the Dasavatara legend), a Chalukyan king. The king theory has gained much ground after Dr A Sundara, a noted archaeologist, proposed it, backed by local legends. Also, there is an old picture of the image before it was destroyed, which clearly shows the absence of an ushnisha (protuberance on the head) seen in all Buddha images. This enigmatic image continues to befuddle experts.

Adjacent to this cave is a small, rock-cut shrine with an image of the reclining Vishnu with Laxmi and Garuda, above which are depicted the 10 Avatars of the Dasavatara legend. To the left is the Hindu trinity of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva and to the right a human (donor?) couple with a cow feeding its calf. This cow and calf image is usually the iconic representation of a (land) grant.

Bhutanatha Temple

This temple complex is at the Agastya Lake to the east of Badami. The temples are made of the same fine-grained red sandstone as their surroundings. The most interesting of these extends into the lake on a squarish plinth and is called the Bhutanatha Temple. The temple plinth has a series of stepped ghats that lead to the lake. The spot is incredibly picturesque and in the rains, it is a major tourist attraction.

The temple consists of an elaborate, large, square mandapa attached at one end to a rectangular garbha griha (sanctum sanctorum), and at the other to a smaller, square, entrance verandah. The sanctum and its tower were built in the 7th century CE and the mandapa and entrance verandah were added in the 11th century CE.

The temple appears to have been unfinished in both periods and the original temple may even have been a Jain temple as seen from certain unfinished traces of sculpture. The temple was taken over much later by the Lingayat sect, who built an outer hall and installed a Nandi and a Shiva Linga in the sanctum.

Kappe Arabhatta

On the cliff overlooking the man-made Agastya Lake is an inscription with the oldest-known Kannada poem in tripadi, a Kannada verse metre. It is dedicated to the memory of an 8th century CE warrior named Kappe Arabhatta. He is likened to Vishnu himself and is eulogised here in verse.

The Northern Group of Shiva Temples

On the northern fortifications at Badami are two Shiva temples. The lower temple stands on a small terrace and the upper temple stands on the ridge above. The temples were probably built during the 7th century CE but were probably destroyed by Pallava besiegers. Not much is left of these shrines.

Not far from them is the Malegetti Shiva temple. It is in a very good state of preservation and is considered the oldest Dravida-style temple in Early Chalukyan architecture. Dit bestaan ​​uit 'n garbha griha, which opens into a triple-aisled mandapa with three projections. There is a Dravida-style mandapa (tower) rising above the sanctuary (sanctum sanctorum) and is very similar to the upper Shiva temple mentioned above.

In the 10th century CE, the Chalukyan Empire had a second inning. This dynasty is known as the Western Chalukyas or the Kalyani Chalukyas, after their new capital city of Kalyani (modern-day Bassavakalyan in Karnataka). This dynasty ruled from 957 to 1189 CE, before they were defeated and their empire absorbed by the Hoysalas (10th to 14th century CE). They built a number of monuments and influenced the temple architecture of the whole of Western India.

The Eastern Chalukyas are a cadet branch from the times of Pulakeshin II, and they ruled a separate empire in the eastern Deccan from their capital in the Vengi region of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. The first ruler was Kubja Vishnuvardhana, the brother of Pulakeshin II. This dynasty ruled from 624 to 1189 CE. They were initially a province of the Badami Chalukyan Empire, later independent kings and finally vassals of the Imperial Cholas. They were responsible for much of the early efflorescence of Telugu culture, literature, poetry and art.

The caves, temples, lake and fort of ancient Vatapi offer a very picturesque series of Chalukyan monuments and are part of one of the most popular tourist circuits in the Deccan. The Badami-Aihole-Pattadakkal circuit is a high priority circuit, both with foreign and domestic tourists. The site is on a tentative list of UNESCO World Heritage Monuments and all the monuments are protected by the Archaeological Survey of India.

The Badami monuments are incredibly important markers of the evolution of temple architecture in India and are also the most important remnant of Early Chalukyan art and architecture.


Inhoud

The primary dwellings of this era were round or circular pit-houses that were built on open land and partially below the ground surface. The entrance to the house faced east or south. Logs and rocks were often used for the dwellings foundation. The building materials for the walls could include stacked logs, jacal or poles and brush. In the center of the dwelling was a fire pit. [2]

Some early people built their dwellings within the natural protection of rock shelters, especially during the beginning of this period. [2]


Theodore Roosevelt

Teddy Roosevelt wearing Pince-Nez eyeglasses. This style was popular from 1870 until 1939.

People looking to dating men's clothing may want to begin by looking at what the U.S. Presidents were wearing. There is so much there, from hairstyles, suits, eyewear and facial hair. Click here to see U.S. Presidents thumbnails gleaned from wikipedia for a quick reference to decades.

1760 1800 1820 1840 1860 1870 1880s 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930
Round lens shape Round lens return "Windsor style"
Octagonal appearing by 1840 - 1890s 1921 Nose pad invented
Windsors coated with plastic called "Zylo" was introduced around WWI.
Most common style eyewear brugdie Crank or U with straight ends, K, X en U style as well. See samples
Rectangular or oblong lenses are before 1800 to 1890's
Oxfords were popular up until the 1800 - 1930s
Alhoewel pince-nez were used in Europe in the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries, modern ones appeared in the 1840s and reached their peak popularity around 1880 to 1900. By the late 1930s, they were popular mostly with the elderly.
Oval lenses start just before 1800 into the 1920s

More reading, resources:

Bonnie Parker from the famous "Bonnie and Clyde" sporting a beret cocked to one side, finger waves and high heel version of Mary Jane shoes

Parasols are found in photographs as props and are not much help for photo dating purposes yet, we'll research eventually. They are beautiful images just the same..1920s enjoyed parasols too.

Photo Dating Notes: estimate 1870 - 1880

hair pieces popular, chunky chains

close up of similar chunky chain, different style same concept.

Wallpaper in the 1860's

The information on this topic came from "The History Buff Articles" Titled "Wallpaper manufacturing in the 1860's" by R.J. Bruin. This is an example of researching any item found in your photograph to pin down a date. Surprise! this cabin had wallpaper in it.

Wallpaper in this era would fit into one of three general design patterns: floral, geometric (scrolls, diamond shapes, stripes, etc.) and scenic which fell into two subcategories wall murals comprised of full-wall scenes like a forest and small scenes perhaps two or three across and then stacked along the roll.

The short period, known as the Belle poque, encompassed the reign of King Edward VIII, 1901 to 1910, the son of Queen Victoria, who was already 56, when he succeeded to the throne. In contrast to Victoria's era of restraint, Edward VIII is known for ruling during a time of extravagance and sophistication. Much like when Diana, Princess of Wales, captured the publics imagination and prevailed as a style-setter, Edward's wife, Alexandra, Princess of Wales, defined style for her era. Total femininity was the era's ideal and handmade lace, silk, embroidery and vere were the fashion choice of high society. Complimenting the look, the jewelry emphasized diamonds made to appear as fine and delicate as possible. These exquisite pieces are considered to be among the finest jewelry every made.

Improved setting and diamond cutting techniques, spearheaded by firms such as Cartier and Tiffany, were initiated during the Art Nouveau period which immediately preceded and overlapped the Edwardian period. Although this was just the beginning of the gemstone cutting progress that would be made during the Art Deco period, Edwardian jewelry capitalized on the design opportunities offered by such dramatic new cuts as the pear shape as well as the technology that allowed for invisible diamond settings. Platinum was the choice for these settings which extended and enhanced the brilliance and whiteness of the diamonds. Actually, extensive use of platinum characterized the Edwardian period. Skilled designers, understanding and taking advantage of the unique strength of platinum, were able to fabricate jewelry that was extremely thin and lightweight. These masterpieces of engineering included the era's famous lace-look pieces which showcased open work designs and scalloped patterned edges. Also popular was the mill grained setting, which gained its name from the tiny grains or beads that were created when the thin bead of metal that secured the stone was ridged and textured. This setting technique resulted in an almost invisible rim around a diamond. Another Edwardian setting technique utilized knife edge wires, thin blades of metal with the sharp edge facing upwards, so that the metal was barely visible. Edwardian jewelers reinterpreted the Victorian era bow, creating theirs in platinum with a honeycomb pattern of fine mesh. The era's distinctive delicate style was also reflected in rings, pendants and brooches. Dress necklines dictated neck ornaments of varying lengths with the "Suitor" necklace and the "Negligee" pendant uniquely Edwardian choices. The Suitor was a long necklace of either pearls or a fine chain which ended in a tassel. The Negligee pendant featured two drops of unequal length hanging from either another stone or a thin chain.

Although this was a time when wealth was openly displayed and grand jewelry was in demand, less expensive pieces of great beauty were also enjoyed. Gypsy rings were in demand by both men and women. Bar pins were also popular. Other favorite jewelry items included gold chain bracelets set with turquoise and pearls as well as half hoop bangles set with pearls, diamonds or other stones and snake rings.

This jewelry is called Chatelaines. It is basically a medallion hooked onto a belt and the end of each chain you would attach objects you would want handy. I would want my hand-fan and glasses and maybe some lip color or rouge, a locket and watch. If you were a seamstress you may want scissors, a thimble or measuring tool. Housekeepers would use them for the keys to each room in the house.


Was life better for us in stone age?

Lately I had some thoughts about stone age, specifically about our body and mind related to what men did at that time compared to what we do now. For various reasons I have this idea that life in stone age was perfect for us, this would be because evolution has had a long time to run its course, while right now life is changing "faster than evolution". Is this actually true?

Ja en nee. There seems to be a bit of a fad lately that romanticizes the Stone Age. See the highly unscientific paleo-diet, for example. It's true that our mind and bodies aren't necessarily super well adapted to a highly "technologized" and mostly sedentary lifestyle (this is describing our Western way of life, obviously) but it's also true that the human body and mind has evolved to be highly adaptable to a wide range of living conditions. And while there are many external factors that are detrimental to our wellbeing today, most of them are based on choice. Jy kies to eat sugary, fatty food. Jy kies to take the car to work instead of the bike. Etc. But you also have millions of choices to live a life far more healthy and productive than in any point in history. There isn't really a good "natural" way of living for humans. Our "natural" lifestyle is whatever we choose to adapt to.

Maar. We know that Paleolithic hunter-gatherers (at least in the case of Homo sapiens) were surprisingly healthy and and well fed. Signs of malnutrition seem to have been fairly rare and the average body size seems to have been rather large. Also, under ideal conditions, gathering enough food for a small group is surprisingly easy, every individual probably only had to invest a few hours a week. Which could explain why there was so much fine art during the Late Paleolithic. And then the Neolithic Revolution comes along, sustenance became mainly relying on agriculture and general health just plummeted. Average body size went down, malnutrition became common and, as far as we can tell, child mortality skyrocketed. People had to work a lot harder for less nutritious, less diverse food. Pathogens from life stock jumped from their natural hosts to humans and wreaked havoc. Life did become a lot shittier than it was during the Stone Age and, as I see it, it took thousands of years to get back to that previous levels (leaving aside occasional periods of prosperity). Life during the Stone Age was probably indeed better compared to most of later human history but Iɽ argue that that's not true anymore and we now enjoy a far better life.

Edit: As /u/WarwickshireBear correctly pointed out, the Neolithic obviously is also part of the Stone Age, hence the name. But outside of archaeology and related fields, Stone Age is usually used synonymously with "Palaeolithic". I decided to use it the same way here because I think interested laypeople find it easier to understand. I apologize for any confusion this may have caused.

Edit 2: Thanks a lot for the gold. I'm really flattered somebody liked my humble comment so much <3


The Babylon Gymnasium Inscription

Die Gymnasium Inscription is in fact not an inscription written on a stone, but a clay tablet written in Greek that is now in the Louvre, Paris. It gives a list of winners at an athletic contest and shows that the Greek community of Babylon was still very much alive in the late second century BCE.

  1. Mithradates II In the reign [the great] king Arsaces, note [All Parthian kings called themselves Arsaces. Before adopting the title "king of kings" in 109 BCE, Mithradates II styled himself "the great king Arsaces".]
  2. Epiphanes en Philhellene. note [Epiphanes: God Manifest. Philhellene: Friend of the Greeks.] [In the year]
  3. 137 according to the king's reckoning [but according to the old reckoning]
  4. 202, note [The year 137 of the Arsacid era and the year 202 of the Seleucid Era correspond to 6 October 111 - 30 March 110 BCE.] when Pe[l. ] was gymnasiarch. [These]
  5. are the winners in the entire [year],
  6. for which the money was furnished by Di[ogenes son of]
  7. Artemidoros, who has become pay[master in the]
  8. year 192.
  9. Van die ephebes:
  10. with the bow: Dikaios, son of Diodoros,
  11. with the javelin: Artemidoros, son of Andronikos,
  12. with the hollow shield: Kastyrides, son of Kephalon,
  13. with the oblong shield: Demetrios, son of Athenoenes,
  14. in the long course: Aristides, son of Artemidoros,
  15. in the short-course: Nikanor, son of Hermolaos.
  16. Van die neoi:
  17. with the bow: Dikaios, son of Nikostratos,
  18. with the javelin: Herakleon, son of Herakleon,
  19. [with the hollow shield: ……]s, son of Apollodoros,
  20. [with the oblong shield: ………, son of …..o]genes.

Note that all these names are purely Greek, but also note the preponderant position of the theophoric names with Dio- = Bêl, Apollo = Nabû, Artemis = Nanaia, Heracles = Nergal. Die element –doros may well represent the Babylonian iddin "he/she gave". These people with pure Greek names may have been Babylonians with Babylonian names and have had a "multiple ethnic identity". Vgl. Artemidoros, son of Diogenes, who is also called Minnanaios, son of Touphaios in a Greek inscription from Uruk dated to 110 CE.


Aghade Holed Stone (Cloghaphoill)

“Then Niall went to Leinster on a raid, and he said that he would not go from them so long as he was alive, or until Eochaid were given him as a pledge and hostage. And this had to be done. So Eochaid was taken to Áth Fadat in Gothart Fea on the bank of the Slaney, and was left there before Niall, with a chain around his neck, and the end of the chain through the hole of a stone pillar.
With that he gave himself a twist, so that the chain broke in two. He seized the iron bolt that was through the chain, and advanced to meet them. He plied the bolt on them so that [they] fell. The other men turned before him down the hill. Those of Leinster pursued them and slaughtered them, so that they fell.”

“The Escape of Eochaid,” from “The Death of Niall of the Nine Hostages,” Book of Ballymote (14th century) 1

Click on the image to see in high resolution.

The high-resolution photograph (left) was made with a large-format view camera in 1979. Click the photo, and then click the button at the right of the Zoomify toolbar to see it full-screen. (See example.)

The smoothly bored aperture in the broad Cloghaphoill (“holed stone”) was not able, in the legendary tale quoted above, to long hold Eochaid, Niall’s prisoner.

“The unfortunate prince [Eochaid] was compelled to maintain one position, with his back to the stone, and subject to the galling weight of the iron chain… 2

Eochaid used the hole in the stone to help him break the chains with which he was bound. Some writers reported noting, in the modern era, the marks left on the stone by the friction of the iron chain. In 1839, the Ordnance Survey’s Eugene O’Curry visited here and reported finding a field with “small graves formed of flagstones,” which he considered a confirmation of the traditional story. 3

Into the eighteenth century it was reported that “ill-thriven” infants afflicted with rickets were passed through the hole, 29 cm (11.5 in) in diameter, in an attempt to obtain a cure. In 1833 an antiquarian wrote:

“Great numbers formerly indulged in this superstitious folly, but for the past twenty years the practice has been discontinued. My informant on this occasion was a woman who had herself passed one of her infants through the aperture of this singular stone. She informed me, that some of the country people talked of having it cut up for gate posts, but a superstitious feeling prevented them.” 4

According to archaeologists the Cloghaphoill may have once stood upright, serving as a “porthole stone” that closed the burial chamber of a megalithic tomb from the Neolithic. The large hole then may have served as a way for the descendants of the deceased to offer food or other tributes into the afterlife. 5 The stone stands 2.3 m (7.5 ft) above the ground, and is 1.7 m (5 ft 8 in) wide, and up to 46 cm (18 in) thick.

“The Death of Niall of the Nine Hostages” in The Book of Ballymote. (RIA. MS 23 P 12, f. 7 v)

Niall of the Nine Hostages may be the first of the Irish mythological heroes to have been an actual historical character, belonging to the fourth or fifth century CE. 6 He is known as the legendary ancestor of the Uí Néill tribe, which would prosper to become the feudal rulers of all Donegal and who dominated Ireland from the sixth to the tenth century. The traditional coronation site of the O’Donnell branch of this family is visited in our entry on the Rock of Doon.

In one legend, Niall of the Nine Hostages agrees to lie with a “hideous crone” in order to obtain water from her. She then magically becomes a young girl, representing the sovereignty of Ireland, “more radiantly beautiful than the sun” and promises the warrior that he and his descendants would become the rulers of the land. 7

There is little that can be noted with certainty about the historical Niall, as all the written information comes from genealogies (now thought to be dubious) of Irish kings and other medieval texts that date from long after the purported reign of this late Iron Age pre-Christian king, known as the 126th High King of Ireland. 8 Writing in the seventeenth century, Geoffrey Keating claimed that it was one of Niall’s raiding parties in England that kidnapped the young St. Patrick in 405 CE the result was that Patrick’s initial experience in Ireland was as a slave. 9

Niall gained his traditional sobriquet, Noígíallach (“of the Nine Hostages”), from the story that relates how each of the five provinces of Ireland, in order to demonstrate their fealty, sent Niall a hostage. He also received additional hostages from Scotland, the Saxons, the Britons, and the Franks, totaling nine.

“Niall of the Nine Hostages was the greatest king that Ireland ever knew. His reign was epochal, and was the Irish equivalent of Alexander the Great in Macedonia. He not only ruled Ireland greatly and strongly, but also carried the name and the fame, and the power and the fear, of Ireland into all neighbouring nations. He was, moreover, founder of the longest, most important, and most powerful Irish royal dynasty. Almost without interruption his descendants were the High Kings of Ireland for 600 years. Under him the spirit of pagan Ireland leaped up in its last great flame of military glory.” 10

Whatever the place in history of Niall of the Nine Hostages, some have called him the “Irish Genghis Khan” due to the number of his descendants. Geneticists have determined that more than three million men around the world are likely to be descended from this prolific medieval Irish king. Scientists suspect that Niall, or someone very much like him, may be the ancestor of one out of every twelve Irishmen, and as many as 22% of the men up in the northwest of the country, where Niall established his kingdom. The study of the Y-chromosomes appears to trace back to one particular person. One of the researchers, Brian McEyon, at Trinity College, Dublin reported that, “there are certain surnames that seem to have come from Ui Neill. We studied if there was any association between those surnames and the genetic profile. It is his (Niall’s) family.” 11

The Death of Niall of the Nine Hostages.

It is unclear at what point in the history of the Cloghaphoill it began to be used as an agent of folk medicine. An author in 1937 pointed out the tantalizing coincidence that its traditional use as a way to affect a cure for rickets, involved a disease that was a scourge of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. 12 While the practice of passing infants through the hole in the Cloghaphoill faded away more than two centuries ago, the Tobernaveen Holed Stone in Co. Sligo has apparently been utilized in a curative ritual in very recent times.

Other standing stones with apertures have acquired different traditions in folk practices around the country. An early-Christian pillar stone that serves as one of the stations of the Turas (procession) in Glencolumbcille, Co. Donegal, has a small hole once used by engaged couples that would touch their fingers from the opposite sides of the stone. In Co. Antrim, the Doagh Holestone is used still today for a similar betrothal ceremony. Guidebook author Anthony Weir has considered the possibility that the hole was once used in a more primal fertility ceremony. 13

As die Cloghaphoill eventually developed the ability to affect cures, it did not have such a salutary effect for Niall of the Nine Hostages. The stone proved unable to hold his enemy Eochaid, who later caused the death of Niall, piercing him with an arrow shot from across a valley in Scotland. His men carried his body home, fighting bloody battles on the way, and buried him at a place now known as Faughan Hill in Co. Meath (see illustration, above left). 14

“Like the foxglove, like a calf’s blood–a feast without a flaw!
Like the top-branches of a forest in May.
Like the moon, like the sun, like a firebrand was the splendor of Niall,
Like a dragon-ship from the wave without a fault was Niall the son of Eochaid Mugmedon.” 15

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Aghade Holed Stone, Co. Carlow
Nearest Town: Tullow
Townland: Ardristan
Latitude: 52° 46′ 9.41″ N
Longitude: 6° 44′ 45.73″ W