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Waarom was Noord -Amerikaanse Amerikaners minder stedelik as Sentraal of Suid?

Waarom was Noord -Amerikaanse Amerikaners minder stedelik as Sentraal of Suid?


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Ek is geleer dat die inheemse Amerikaners (beide Noord, toe Suid) hoofsaaklik van Kanada afkomstig is van wat nou Rusland is. Of dit nou waar is of nie, waarom het die inheemse Amerikaanse beskawings uit Sentraal- en Suid -Amerika hulself in die gebruik van stede aangewend, met baie gepaardgaande verbeterings in die lewenskwaliteit, terwyl dié in Noord -Amerika dit nooit gedoen het nie?


As ons na die res van die wêreld kyk, lyk dit asof stadsbeskawings groot bevolkingsgroei verg wat volhoubaar is deur boerdery. Eenvoudig, as jy nie 'n stad kan voed nie, sal die stad misluk.

Boonop moet mense in kouer streke in die winter na warmer streke verhuis met meer voedsel, tensy hulle voedsel in voldoende hoeveelhede kan berg om deur die winter te hou. In die geval van 'n slegte oes, moet dit tot 2 winters duur. As dit nie die geval is nie, sal die stad sterf. In warmer klimate kan mense meer oeste per jaar hê, wat lei tot meer voedsel en 'n meer stabiele aanbod van voedsel. Daar was baie verskillende maniere waarop verskillende stamme dit hanteer het.

As gevolg van die winter moet mense ook skuilings bou wat beter is om die temperatuur te hou, of dat hulle meer hout moet verbrand. As hulle meer hout verbrand as wat naby die stad groei, sal die stad sterf. Sommiges beskou die opraak as 'n belangrike rede vir die val van Cahokia, 'n groot stad naby St Louis.

Daar was ook die aanvang van die Klein Ystydperk vanaf ongeveer 1300, wat moontlik verdere groei van bestaande nedersettings in kouer klimate verhinder het en selfs tot hul agteruitgang kon lei.

Die oplossing van hierdie probleme verg tyd en kans. In Sentraal -Amerika was daar minder probleme om op te los, sodat hulle 'n beter kans gehad het om eers die stadboufase te bereik.

Sodra al hierdie probleme opgelos is, sal die bevolkingsgroei waarskynlik steeds stadiger wees in die kouer klimaat, wat die tyd wat dit nodig het om van klein nedersettings tot groot stadstate te groei, vertraag. Namate die omvang van die nedersettings toeneem, is die kans groter dat handel tussen nedersettings toeneem, en daarom sal die kennisvooruitgang waarskynlik toeneem. Hierdie gevolge kan - en is - teengewerk deur ander effekte, soos tradisies, kastestelsels, godsdiens, regeringsbeleid, oorloë, epidemies, natuurrampe, ens. en die hoeveelheid oeste per jaar is. Die swart dood het byvoorbeeld die hele Europa geraak, ongeag die breedtegraad.

In teenstelling hiermee is die kennis van die verbouing van gewasse in Europa ingevoer, net soos die grootste deel van die bevolking, sodat hulle nie al hierdie probleme self hoef op te los nie. Voeg daarby die Romeinse Ryk en die migrasietydperk, en u sien hoe hierdie verwikkelinge baie vinnig willekeurig en onvoorspelbaar kan word.


Die inboorlinge van die Amerikas het hul beskawings goed genoeg gevorder vir die situasie waarin hulle verkeer het. Hulle het ontwikkel uit 'n gewone tegnologiese vlak van die steentydperk en het landbou, stede, klipgeboue en piramide-agtige strukture gehad. Hulle het gemeenskappe ontwikkel wat vergelykbaar was met dié in afgeleë dele van Europa in die era van die piramides, of beter, omstreeks 1200 nC. Toe het hulle nie meer tyd gehad om op hul eie te ontwikkel terwyl die kontak gebeur het nie.

Waarom dan die paar duisend jaar gaping? Om oor twee kontinente te moet loop en dit te bevolk, kan dinge vertraag. As daar geen trekdiere vir vleis en waens is nie, het dit beslis nie gehelp nie. Of dit kan net geluk wees, en as ons dieselfde verhoor heroorweeg, kan die Europeërs vertraag word en die Amerindiërs kan in Spanje beland.


Dit is hoofsaaklik omdat die suidelike inheemse Amerikaners 'n betroubare voedselbron (koring) gehad het. Die noordelikes moes jag en hul kos versamel en het nie verder gegaan om te boer nie, omdat hulle op een plek kon oorleef, waarskynlik omdat hulle nie iets met die regte potensiaal het nie.

Christopher Lloyd verduidelik dit alles in sy boek "Alles in der Welt", Engels: Wat op aarde het gebeur?


Ek dink u kan redeneer dat die mense wat in die Mississippi -rivier woon, 'n beskawing gehad het wat soortgelyk is aan die 'gevorderde' in Suid -Amerika. Hulle het baie water vir gewasse gehad en op een plek gebly om dit te versorg, natuurlik toegevoeg tot bestaande strukture. Ek dink ons ​​soek gereeld na die voor die hand liggende strukture waarmee ons vandag kan skakel. GEBOU! Op een of ander manier beïndruk mense mense wat massiewe klippe op mekaar plaas. Ons besef nie dat die mense wat hulle in plek gestel het waarskynlik slawe was en die koning 'n tiran nie. Wat vir my indrukwekkend is, is die mense van die Great Basin, Kanada tot New Mexico. Hulle het die groot troppe Buffels gevolg en hul water gevind in heilige drinkgate, net aan hulle bekend. Hulle leefstyl het gelei tot fassinerende mondelinge tradisies wat fantasie met die geestelike meng. Om antieke beskawings 'gevorderd' te noem omdat hulle klippe aanmekaar gestapel het, is om bloot te sê wat die toeskouer baie waardeer. Moet asseblief nie my pragtige nomades afkraak nie, want hulle het nie besluit om belasting en lewens bo mekaar te betaal soos ons doen nie.


Hulle het nie perde gehad nie.

Enige kultuur tydens die ontwikkeling daarvan kom tot 'n punt waar groot hoeveelhede van 'n produk oor lang afstande vervoer moet word. Twintig mans wat dieselfde produk dra, moet die wins onder mekaar deel. 'N Enkele perd wat die werk van twintig man verrig, benodig slegs water en hawer. Dieselfde perd kan sleep baie meer as wat dit kan dra. Dit is dus meer ekonomies lewensvatbaar om jou perd die produk te laat sleep. Sleep word vergemaklik (meer produkte kan vervoer word) deur rollers (ronde stompe wat die eienaar van die perd aanhou gly onder die bord, of platform waarop die produk gelaai word). In plaas daarvan om 'n dosyn sulke stompe te gebruik en heen en weer te hardloop, die stompies onder die bord van voor af in te skuif en dit van agter af te verwyder, sal iemand op 'n sekere tyd onvermydelik een hout neem, al die oorbodige hout daarvan skeer. 'n soort primitiewe skorsingshakies - en voila! U het 'n as met 'n wiel aan weerskante. Die tegnologiese beskawing kom in.

As jy nie perde het nie, het dit geen nut om die wiel uit te vind nie.

As daar geen wiele is nie, is dit nie sinvol om paaie (eerder as paadjies) uit te vind nie, grense, stadstate soos ons dit ken, state soos ons dit ken, ens.

Dit is regtig alles wat daar is.

Bylaag: Een van die kommentators het voorgestel dat daar ander trekdiere en moontlike lasdiere in die Amerikas is. Hy of sy het drie van hulle genoem: lama's, bisons en slawe. Dit is 'n lag. Europese afstande is 'n grap in vergelyking met hul Amerikaanse eweknieë. Beheer van gebiede is gebaseer op vinnige toegang en kommunikasie. Probeer loop van New York na Boston, of van Washington DC na Chicago, kyk hoe lank dit jou neem.

Die enigste rede waarom die Romeinse Ryk en China mekaar nooit probeer verower het nie, is dat die afstand te groot is, selfs vir perde.

By die vergelyking van beskawings is die verskillende natuurlike toestande die eerste ding wat ondersoek moet word. Dit is die wortel van omtrent alles. Wat het Amerika, Europa, Asië en Afrika nie? Aartappels, tamaties, broccoli, kakao, tabak. Wat het die Amerikas nie gehad wat die ander mense gehad het nie? Perde. Laat ek herhaal: dit is alles.

P.S. Mense praat oor die uitvinding van die wiel, wat 'n dwaling is. Die wiel op sigself is heeltemal nutteloos. As ons 'die wiel' sê, bedoel ons regtig twee wiele wat met 'n as verbind is. Dit is 'n hout met die oorbodige hout wat afgeskeer is. Geen perde = geen vraag na wiele en asse = geen wiele en asse = geen beheer van gebiede = geen ryke soos ons dit ken nie, geen stede, geen wetgewer, geen regstelsel, geen uitvoerende mag, geen paleise, geen doriese of ioniese kolomme nie, geen operateaters nie.


Inheemse Amerikaners en die Amerikaanse Revolusie: Die keuse van kante

Joseph Brant of Thayendanegea, hoof van Mohawk, het vier van die 'Six Nations' teen die Amerikaanse rebelle gelei.

By die uitbreek van die Revolusionêre krisis in die 1760's het die inheemse Amerikaners 'n bekende taak ondervind om tussen mededingende Europese keiserlike moondhede op die vasteland van Noord -Amerika te navigeer. Aan die einde van die era in die 1780's is inheemse Amerikaners gekonfronteer met nuwe konsepte-burgerskap, landverdrae, 'n volkstaat-met die skepping van die Verenigde State van Amerika. Gedurende die jare van konflik moes inheemse Amerikaanse groepe, soos baie ander inwoners van Noord -Amerika, die lojalistiese of patriotiese saak kies - of op een of ander manier 'n neutrale standpunt handhaaf. Maar die inheemse Amerikaners het hul eie kenmerkende kwessies gehad om hul tuislande te probeer vashou, asook om toegang tot handel en voorrade te behou, aangesien oorlog ook hul lande verswelg het. Sommige het met die Britte verbonde, terwyl ander saam met die Amerikaanse koloniste geveg het.

In hierdie les sal studente kaarte, verdrae, kongresrekords, eerstehandse verslae en korrespondensie ontleed om die verskillende rolle wat inheemse Amerikaners in die Amerikaanse rewolusie aangeneem het, te bepaal en te verstaan ​​waarom die verskillende groepe die alliansies gevorm het wat hulle aangegaan het.

Leidende vrae

Waarom het sommige inheemse Amerikaanse groepe by die Amerikaanse rewolusie betrokke geraak?

Wat het dit beteken om 'n inheemse Amerikaner te wees in die nuutgestigte Verenigde State van Amerika?

Leerdoelwitte

Ontleed die verskillende motiewe en perspektiewe onder inheemse Amerikaners vir deelname aan die Amerikaanse rewolusie.

Ontleed die verskillende motiewe en perspektiewe onder patriotte en lojaliste om in lyn te kom met inheemse Amerikaners tydens die Amerikaanse rewolusie.

Evalueer die gevolge vir inheemse Amerikaners aan die einde van die Amerikaanse rewolusie.

Evalueer die mate waartoe ooreenkomste met inheemse Amerikaners aan die einde van die Amerikaanse rewolusie vandag gevolge gehad het.

'N Meer volmaakte unie
Geskiedenis en sosiale studies

Lesplan Skrywer:

Lesplanbesonderhede

Amerikaanse Indiane het in die agtiende eeu talle uitdagings voor hul voortbestaan ​​as 'n volk op hul eie lande gekonfronteer. Die Franse en Britte het teen die middel van die eeu meegeding om die beheer van die vasteland, terwyl die Amerikaanse koloniste steeds na die binneland gesoek het om lande om hul nedersettings uit te brei. Na die Britse oorwinning in die Sewejarige Oorlog (sien EDSITE-beoordeelde Digitale Geskiedenis se Die Sewejarige Oorlog) het Indiese mense hul diplomatieke opsies meer omskryf gevind. Namate die Noord -Amerikaanse koloniste wat gretig was na grond in die 1750's oor die Appalachian -berge begin stort het, het Britse kommer en Indiese woede oor die uitbreiding toegeneem. Die Royal Proclamation van 1763 het probeer om die uitbreiding te beperk en het baie Amerikaanse koloniste vervreem. In die jare na die Franse en Indiese oorlog het die strategieë van Brittanje om sy inheemse Amerikaanse alliansies te behou soms teruggekeer, soos bespreek in hierdie artikel "The History of the Stamp Act Shows How Indians Led to the American Revolution."

Die uitbreek van die Amerikaanse rewolusie het groot gevolge vir Amerikaanse Indiane gehad. Baie het die Revolusie gesien as 'n wedstryd vir Indiese lande sowel as vir vryheid. Sommige groepe, soos die Cherokee -krygers, het hul oudstes getart en grensnedersettings langs die suidelike grens aangeval. Die Cherokees het die offensief teen die Amerikaners vroeg aangeval, net om deur Patriot -soldate uit die suidelike kolonies verslaan te word. Baie ander het probeer om neutraal te bly. In die Ohio -vallei het die Shawnees, onder leiding van Cornplanter, en die Delawares, onder leiding van White Eyes, hard gewerk om 'n koers tussen die vegters te stuur. Maar haat teen Indiërs onder Westerse setlaars en jagters vernietig die vrede gou. Amerikaanse milisie het White Eyes of the Delawares in 1778 doodgemaak, en ander het ongewapende, bekeerde, Morawiese Indiane in Gnadenhutten, Ohio, in 1782 geslag. Die Ohio -Indiane het ná hierdie aanvalle met die Britte verbind.

Baie ander Indiërs staan ​​saam met die Britte in die hoop dat 'n Britse oorwinning die vloed van westelike uitbreiding sal stuit. Die Iroquois -konfederasie het geskei. Joseph Brant, 'n goed opgevoede Mohawk en 'n Vrymesselaar, het saam met sy suster Mary Brant sy mense van 'n neutraliteitsbeleid en 'n alliansie met die Britte gelei. Die Indiane van Stockbridge, die Indiane van die Christelike sending (Mohicans), het egter by hul bure in die westelike Massachusetts aangesluit, en hulle het as huldigters gewerk, selfs voordat gevegte uitgebreek het.

Die suksesvolle rewolusie het gelei tot die skepping van die nuwe republiek, maar ook 'n nuwe wêreld vir die Indiane. Toe Groot -Brittanje in 1783 tydens die Vrede van Parys al sy gebied oos van die Mississippi en suid van die Groot Mere aan die Verenigde State oorhandig sonder om hul voormalige bondgenote te raadpleeg, het die Indiërs onder groot druk verkeer deur setlaars en spekulante in die nuwe nasie wat daarin belangstel om weswaarts uit te brei, hetsy deur die verkryging van Indiese lande deur verdrag of met geweld.

Ter versigtigheid moet onderwysers studente bewus maak van die kwessies wat verband hou met die gebruik van primêre bronne van inheemse Amerikaanse toesprake. Hierdie waardevolle, maar seldsame primêre bronne is gewoonlik deur Europeërs getranskribeer, en die dokumente weerspieël dikwels Europese idees oor inheemse Amerikaanse spraak.

Verskeie bronne bied goeie agtergrondinligting vir die onderwyser.

  • Collin Calloway se artikel, "American Indians and the American Revolution", is 'n bondige oorsig.
  • Die webwerf Digital History bied 'n duidelike opsomming van die inheemse Amerikaans-Europese betrekkinge van die laat-16de tot die laat-18de eeu.
  • Wilcomb E. Washburn se "Indiane en die Amerikaanse revolusie", gekoppel aan EDSITEment, beoordeel Nativeweb bied nog 'n opsomming van die komplekse situasie.
  • Colin Calloway, Die Amerikaanse rewolusie in die Indiese land: krisis en diversiteit in inheemse Amerikaanse gemeenskappe. (Cambridge University Press, 1995).

NCSS.D1.1.9-12. Verduidelik hoe 'n vraag 'n blywende kwessie in die veld weerspieël.

NCSS. D1.4.9-12. Verduidelik hoe ondersteunende vrae bydra tot 'n ondersoek en hoe nuwe boeiende en ondersteunende vrae na vore kom deur boeiende bronwerk.

NCSS.D2.Sy.1.9-12. Evalueer hoe historiese gebeure en ontwikkelings gevorm is deur unieke omstandighede van tyd en plek sowel as breër historiese kontekste.

NCSS.D2.Sy.2.9-12. Ontleed verandering en kontinuïteit in historiese tydperke.

NCSS.D2.Sy.3.9-12. Gebruik vrae wat oor individue en groepe gegenereer word om te bepaal hoe die betekenis van hul optrede oor tyd verander en deur die historiese konteks gevorm word.

NCSS.D2.Sy.4.9-12. Ontleed komplekse en wisselwerkende faktore wat die perspektiewe van mense tydens verskillende historiese tydperke beïnvloed het.

NCSS.D2.Sy.5.9-12. Ontleed hoe historiese kontekste mense se perspektiewe gevorm het en bly vorm.

NCSS.D2.Hy.14.9-12. Ontleed verskeie en komplekse oorsake en gevolge van gebeure in die verlede.

NCSS.D2.Sy.15.9-12. Onderskei tussen langtermynoorsake en die aanleiding tot gebeurtenisse in die ontwikkeling van 'n historiese argument.

NCSS.D2.Hy.16.9-12. Integreer bewyse uit verskeie relevante historiese bronne en interpretasies in 'n beredeneerde argument oor die verlede.

Laai die volgende dokumente af of skakel dit na die studente wat in hierdie les gebruik sal word.

    in 1783 gekoppel aan History Matters.
  • Tydskrifte van die kontinentale kongres, toespraak tot die Sesnasies, 13 Julie 1775 oor die EDSITEment-beoordeelde Avalon-projek
  • "The Oneida Indians to Governor Trumbull," 1776 (die werklike Oneida-verklaring is onderaan die webblad, en is ondertiteld met dieselfde bewoording as die hyperlink) wat gekoppel is aan EDSITEment-beoordeel Native Web.
  • "Die versteurings in Amerika gee groot probleme aan al ons nasies": Mohawk Joseph Brant kom na Londen om die koning te sien, 1776, oor History Matters.
  • "Verdrag met die Delawares: 1778" oor Avalon.
  • "The War for Independence through Seneca Eyes: Mary Jemison Views the Revolution, 1775-79" on History Matters.
  • "Konferensie met Indiërs in Fort Pitt," 6 Julie 1776, gekoppel op Nativeweb.
  • "Chickasaw Peace Peace Feeler - 1782" oor Avalon -projek. , Julie 1783 oor History Matters.

As u studente nie vertroud is met die ontleding van aanlyn -primêre dokumente nie, kan u ook die National Archives Teachers 'Resource -bladsy ondersoek, beskikbaar via EDSITEment, wat dokumentanalise -werkblaaie vir studente bied.


Groot bevolkingsdaling gevind vir inheemse Amerikaners, DNA -vertonings

Genetiese data ondersteun rekords van agteruitgang na Europese kontak.

Volgens 'n nuwe genetiese studie het die aantal inheemse Amerikaners vinnig met ongeveer die helfte afgeneem ná Europese kontak ongeveer 500 jaar gelede.

Die bevinding ondersteun historiese berigte dat Europeërs 'n golf van siektes, oorlogvoering en slawerny in die Nuwe Wêreld veroorsaak het wat verwoestende gevolge vir inheemse bevolkings in die hele Amerikas gehad het.

Met behulp van monsters van antieke en moderne mitochondriale DNA - wat slegs van moeders na dogters oorgedra word - het die navorsers 'n demografiese geskiedenis vir Amerikaanse Indiane bereken. (Kry 'n oorsig van menslike genetika.)

Op grond van die gegewens, beraam die span dat die inheemse Amerikaanse bevolking ongeveer 5000 jaar gelede op 'n hoogtepunt was.

Die bevolking het toe ongeveer 500 jaar gelede 'n laagtepunt bereik - slegs 'n paar jaar nadat Christopher Columbus in die Nuwe Wêreld aangekom het en voordat uitgebreide Europese kolonisasie begin het.

Studie-medeskrywer Brendan O'Fallon, 'n bevolkingsgenetikus wat die navorsing aan die Universiteit van Washington in Seattle gedoen het, bespiegel dat baie van die vroeë slagoffers moontlik as gevolg van siektes was, wat 'waarskynlik baie vinniger as die Europese setlaars self. "

Die Franciskaanse monnik Toribio de Benavente - een van die eerste Spaanse sendelinge wat in die vroeë 1500's in die Nuwe Wêreld aangekom het - het byvoorbeeld geskryf dat Mexiko aanvanklik 'uiters vol mense was', en toe die pokke die Indiane begin aanval, het dit geword so 'n groot pes onder hulle dat meer as die helfte van die bevolking in die meeste provinsies gesterf het. "

Sommige historici het bevraagteken of sulke gevolge beperk was tot spesifieke stede of streke, maar die nuwe studie dui daarop dat sterftes wydverspreid voorkom.

Om 'n onlangse inheemse Amerikaanse agteruitgang te bepaal

Die nuwe analise - gepubliseer in die vroeë aanlyn -uitgawe van hierdie week van die Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences - het bevind dat moderne inheemse Amerikaners meer geneties op mekaar ooreenstem as dié wat voor Europese kontak leef. Dit dui daarop dat die bevolkingsgrootte iewers in die onlangse verlede verminder is.

Stel jou voor: "kies twee individue uit 'n baie klein dorpie en vra hulle hoeveel geslagte gelede hulle eers 'n gemeenskaplike voorouer gedeel het. Dit was waarskynlik nie so lank nie," het O'Fallon gesê.

'Aan die ander kant, as die dorp baie groot is, moet u miskien 'n lang pad teruggaan om 'n gemeenskaplike voorouer te vind.'

Die resultate is in stryd met vroeëre genetiese studies, wat geen bewyse gevind het van 'n onlangse inkrimping van die bevolking onder Amerikaanse Indiane nie.

Maar die vorige studies bevat nie ou DNA nie, wat noodsaaklik is vir die vasstelling van 'n akkurate tydlyn, het O'Fallon gesê.

'' N Vorige studie het wel 'n afname in die bevolkingsgrootte onder inheemse Amerikaners gevind, maar die tyd van die afname is afgelei soos ongeveer 1 000 tot 2 000 jaar gelede, wat moeilik is om te versoen met wat ons weet oor die inheemse Amerikaanse geskiedenis, 'het hy gesê.

Alhoewel die nuwe studie op DNA gebaseer is, waarsku die navorsers dat die gebruik van statistiese ontledings beteken dat die bevindings nie afdoende is nie en kan slegs daarop dui dat 'n spesifieke scenario heel waarskynlik plaasgevind het.

'Ons metodes lei tot duisende geslagsregisters,' het O'Fallon gesê. "Deur na die groot eienskappe van al hierdie genealogieë te kyk, kan ons 'n duideliker beeld kry van wat waarskynlik gebeur het."

Daarbenewens is die foutmarge vir die nuwe studie taamlik groot, het O'Fallon gesê, dus is dit moontlik dat die afname meer onlangs as 500 jaar gelede plaasgevind het.

'Ek dink nie dat dit die Europese invloed sou uitsluit as die knelpunt onlangs meer as 500 jaar gelede gebeur het nie,' het hy gesê.

In plaas daarvan kan 'n effens meer onlangse tydsraamwerk "ons interpretasie [van die vroeë oorsaak van die agteruitgang] van siekte verander na ander oorsake soos oorlog, samelewingsontwrigting, verlies van tuislande, ens."

'N Kortstondige bevolkingsknelpunt?

Ondanks die feit dat 'n dramatiese daling onthul is, dui die nuwe studie daarop dat die inheemse Amerikaanse bevolkings uiteindelik tot hul voorspelde vlakke herstel het, waarskynlik aangehelp deur die ontwikkeling van weerstand teen Europese siektes.

Verder het die genetiese gesondheid van die groep blykbaar geen langtermynskade opgedoen nie.

'Ons studie het nie 'n aansienlike afname in genetiese diversiteit gevind nie,' het O'Fallon gesê. "Die knelpunt was redelik kortstondig, en hoewel dit beduidend was, blyk dit nie baie afstammelinge wat teenwoordig was voordat die Europeërs daar was, uit te skakel nie."

Oor die algemeen is die nuwe resultate 'van die mees gedetailleerde inligting wat wetenskaplikes het oor inheemse Amerikaanse demografiese bevolking op grond van genetiese data', sê Quentin Atkinson, 'n evolusionêre antropoloog aan die Universiteit van Auckland in Nieu -Seeland, wat nie by die studie betrokke was nie. .

Atkinson het per e -pos gesê dat die bevindings 'intrigerend en suggestief' was, maar hy het gesê dat meer werk nodig sal wees om onsekerhede in die geskatte omvang en tydsberekening van die bevolkingsvermindering te verminder.


Inhoud

Genetiese diversiteit en bevolkingsstruktuur in die Amerikaanse landmassa word ook gemeet aan die hand van outosomale (atDNA) mikro-satelliet-merkers wat genotipeer is uit Noord-, Sentraal- en Suid-Amerika en ontleed is aan soortgelyke data beskikbaar by ander inheemse bevolkings wêreldwyd. [19] [20] Die bevolking in Amerika toon 'n laer genetiese diversiteit as populasies uit ander kontinentale streke. [20] Daar word 'n afnemende genetiese diversiteit waargeneem namate geografiese afstand van die Beringstraat plaasvind, sowel as 'n afnemende genetiese ooreenkoms met die Siberiese bevolkings uit Alaska (die genetiese ingangspunt). [19] [20] Daar is ook bewyse van 'n hoër vlak van diversiteit en 'n laer vlak van bevolkingsstruktuur in Wes -Suid -Amerika in vergelyking met Oos -Suid -Amerika. [19] [20] Daar is 'n relatiewe gebrek aan differensiasie tussen die Meso -Amerikaanse en Andes -bevolkings, 'n scenario wat impliseer dat kusroetes makliker was vir migrerende mense (meer genetiese bydraers) in vergelyking met binnelandse roetes. [19]

Die algemene patroon wat na vore kom, dui daarop dat die Amerikas deur 'n klein aantal individue gekoloniseer is ('n effektiewe grootte van ongeveer 70), wat oor 800-1000 jaar met groot omvang gegroei het. [21] [22] Die data toon ook aan dat daar genetiese uitruilings tussen Asië, die Arktiese en Groenland plaasgevind het sedert die eerste bevolking van Amerika. [22] [23]

Moreno-Mayar et al. (2018) het 'n basale geïdentifiseer Voorvader Inheemse Amerikaner (ANA) afstamming. Hierdie afstammeling gevorm deur die vermenging van vroeë Oos -Asiatiese en Antieke Noord -Eurasiese afstammelinge voor die Laaste Glaciale Maksimum, ca. 36–25 kya. Basale ANA het op 'n "Ancient Beringian" (AB) afstammeling ingegaan op ca. 20 kya. Die nie-AB-afstamming het verder uiteengegaan in die "Northern Native American" (NNA) en "Southern Native American" (SNA) afstammelinge tussen ongeveer 17,5 en 14,6 kya. Die meeste voor-Columbiaanse afstammelinge is afkomstig van NNA en SNA, behalwe die Amerikaanse Arktiese gebied, waar daar bewyse is van latere (na 10kya) vermenging van paleo-Siberiese afstammelinge. [24]

In 2014 is die outosomale DNA van 'n 12,500+-jarige baba uit Montana op volgorde geneem. [25] Die DNA is geneem uit 'n skelet waarna verwys word as Anzick-1, gevind in noue samewerking met verskeie Clovis-artefakte. Vergelykings toon sterk verwantskap met DNA van Siberiese plekke, en het feitlik uitgesluit dat 'n spesifieke persoon 'n noue verwantskap met Europese bronne het (die 'Solutrean -hipotese'). Die DNA toon ook 'n sterk verwantskap met alle bestaande Amerikaanse bevolkings, wat daarop dui dat hulle almal afkomstig is van 'n ou bevolking wat in of naby Siberië gewoon het, die Bo -Paleolitiese Mal'ta -bevolking. [26]

Volgens 'n outosomale genetiese studie uit 2012 kom [27] inheemse Amerikaners af van ten minste drie hoof migrerende golwe uit Oos -Asië. Die meeste daarvan word teruggevoer na 'n enkele voorvaderlike bevolking, genaamd 'Eerste Amerikaners'. Diegene wat Inuit -tale uit die Arktiese gebied praat, het egter byna die helfte van hul afkoms geërf van 'n tweede Oos -Asiatiese migreringsgolf. En diegene wat Na-dene praat, aan die ander kant, het 'n tiende van hul afkoms geërf van 'n derde trekgolf. Die aanvanklike vestiging van die Amerikas is gevolg deur 'n vinnige uitbreiding suidwaarts, langs die kus, met min gene vloei later, veral in Suid -Amerika. Een uitsondering hierop is die Chibcha -sprekers, wie se afkoms uit Noord- en Suid -Amerika kom. [27]

Taalkundige studies het genetiese studies ondersteun, en daar is antieke patrone gevind tussen die tale wat in Siberië gepraat word en die tale wat in die Amerikas gepraat word. [ verduideliking nodig ] [28]

Twee outosomale DNA -genetiese studies van 2015 het die Siberiese oorsprong van die inboorlinge van die Amerikas bevestig. 'N Ou teken van gedeelde afkoms met Australiërs (inboorlinge van Australië, Melanesië en die Andaman -eilande) is egter onder die inboorlinge van die Amasone -streek opgespoor. Die migrasie uit Siberië sou 23 000 jaar gelede plaasgevind het. [29] [30] [31]

'N "Sentraal -Siberiese" oorsprong is aangeneem vir die vaderlike geslag van die bronpopulasies van die oorspronklike migrasie na die Amerikas. [32]

Lidmaatskap in haplogroepe Q en C3b impliseer inheemse Amerikaanse patrilineale afkoms. [33]

Die diversiteit en verspreiding van 'n mikrosatelliet van 'n Y-afstammeling spesifiek vir Suid-Amerika dui daarop dat sekere Amerikaanse bevolkings geïsoleer geraak het na die aanvanklike kolonisering van hul streke. [34] Die Na-Dené-, Inuit- en inheemse Alaska-bevolkings vertoon haplogroep Q (Y-DNA) mutasies, maar verskil van ander inheemse Amerindiërs met verskillende mtDNA- en outosomale DNA (atDNA) mutasies. [10] [35] [36] Dit dui daarop dat die vroegste migrante in die noordelike uiterstes van Noord -Amerika en Groenland afkomstig was van latere migrerende bevolkings. [37] [38]

Haplogroep Q Wysig

Q-M242 (mutasie naam) is die bepalende (SNP) van Haplogroup Q (Y-DNA) (filogenetiese naam). [40] [41] In Eurasië word haplogroep Q aangetref onder inheemse Siberiese bevolkings, soos die moderne Chukchi- en Koryak -mense. Twee groepe vertoon veral groot konsentrasies van die Q-M242-mutasie, die Ket (93,8%) en die Selkup (66,4%) mense. [42] Die Ket is vermoedelik die enigste oorlewendes van antieke swerwers wat in Siberië woon. [21] Hul bevolkingsgrootte is baie klein; daar is minder as 1500 Ket in Rusland. 2002 [21] Die Selkup het 'n effens groter bevolkingsgrootte as die Ket, met ongeveer 4,250 individue. [43]

Met die aanvang van die Paleo-Indiane-periode het 'n migrasie na die Amerikas oor die Beringstraat (Beringia) plaasgevind deur 'n klein bevolking met die Q-M242-mutasie. [11] 'n Lid van hierdie aanvanklike bevolking het 'n mutasie ondergaan, wat sy afstammeling bevolk, wat bekend staan ​​onder die Q-M3 (SNP) mutasie. [44] Hierdie afstammelinge het oor die hele Amerikas getrek. [40]

Haplogroep Q-M3 word gedefinieer deur die teenwoordigheid van die rs3894 (M3) (SNP). [1] [21] [45] Die Q-M3-mutasie is ongeveer 15 000 jaar oud, dit was toe die aanvanklike migrasie van Paleo-Indiërs na die Amerikas plaasgevind het. [46] [47] Q-M3 is die oorheersende haplotipe in Amerika, teen 'n tempo van 83% in die Suid-Amerikaanse bevolkings, [9] 50% in die Na-Dené-bevolkings en in die Noord-Amerikaanse Eskimo-Aleoet-bevolkings ongeveer 46%. [42] Met minimale terugmigrasie van Q-M3 in Eurasië, het die mutasie waarskynlik ontwikkel in Oos-Beringia, of meer spesifiek die Seward-skiereiland of die westelike Alaska-binneland. Die Beringia -landmassa het begin dompel en landroetes afgesny. [42] [48] [19]

Sedert die ontdekking van Q-M3 is verskeie subklasse van M3-bevolkings gevind. 'N Voorbeeld is in Suid -Amerika, waar sommige bevolkings 'n hoë voorkoms van (SNP) M19 het, wat subklade definieer Q-M19. [9] M19 is by (59%) van die Amazoniese Ticuna -mans en by (10%) van Wayuu -mans aangetref. [9] Subklade M19 blyk uniek te wees vir Suid -Amerikaanse inheemse mense, wat 5 000 tot 10 000 jaar gelede ontstaan ​​het. [9] Dit dui daarop dat bevolkingsisolasie, en miskien selfs die stigting van stamgroepe, kort na migrasie na die Suid -Amerikaanse gebiede begin het. [21] [49] Ander Amerikaanse onderklasse sluit in Q-L54, Q-Z780, Q-MEH2, Q-SA01 en Q-M346 afstammelinge. In Kanada is twee ander afstammelinge gevind. Dit is Q-P89.1 en Q-NWT01.

Haplogroep R1 Wysig

Haplogroep R1 (Y-DNA) is die tweede mees oorheersende Y-haplotipe wat onder inheemse Amerindiërs aangetref word ná Q (Y-DNA). [50] Volgens sommige word die verspreiding van R1 geassosieer met die herbetaling van Eurasië na die laaste gletsermaksimum. Een teorie wat tydens die Europese kolonisasie bekendgestel is. [50] R1 is baie algemeen in die hele Eurasië, behalwe Oos -Asië en Suidoos -Asië. R1 (M173) kom hoofsaaklik voor in Noord-Amerikaanse groepe soos die Ojibwe (50-79%), Seminole (50%), Sioux (50%), Cherokee (47%), Dogrib (40%) en Tohono O'odham (Papago) (38 %). [50]

'N Studie van Raghavan et al. 2013 het bevind dat outosomale bewyse daarop dui dat skeletale oorblyfsels van 'n suid-sentrale Siberiese kind wat R* y-dna (Mal'ta boy-1) dra "basies is vir die hedendaagse Westerse Eurasiërs en geneties nou verwant is aan die huidige Amerindiërs, met het geen verwantskap met Oos-Asiërs nie. Dit dui daarop dat bevolkings wat verband hou met hedendaagse Westerse Eurasiërs 24 000 jaar gelede 'n meer noordoostelike verspreiding gehad het as wat algemeen gedink word. " Opeenvolging van 'n ander suid-sentrale Siberië (Afontova Gora-2) het aan die lig gebring dat "Wes-Eurasiese genetiese handtekeninge in hedendaagse Amerindiërs nie net afkomstig is van post-Columbiaanse mengsels, soos algemeen gedink word nie, maar ook van 'n gemengde afkoms van die Eerste Amerikaners." [51] Daar word verder teoretiseer of "Mal'ta 'n ontbrekende skakel kan wees, 'n verteenwoordiger van die Asiatiese bevolking wat beide in Europeërs en inheemse Amerikaners verenig is." [52]

Op die FTDNA-openbare boom, uit 626 Amerikaanse inheemse Amerikaners K-YSC0000186, is almal Q, R1b-M269, R1a-M198, 1 R2-M479 en 2 waarskynlik nie verder as R1b-M343 getoets nie. [53]

Haplogroep C-P39 Wysig

Haplogroup C-M217 kom veral voor by inheemse Siberiërs, Mongole en Kazakhs. Haplogroep C-M217 is die mees algemene en mees algemene tak van die groter (Y-DNA) haplogroep C-M130. Haplogroup C-M217 afstammeling C-P39 kom die meeste voor in die hedendaagse Na-Dené-sprekers, met die hoogste frekwensie onder die Athabaskans by 42%, en by laer frekwensies in sommige ander inheemse Amerikaanse groepe. [11] Hierdie duidelike en geïsoleerde tak C-P39 bevat byna al die Haplogroup C-M217 Y-chromosome wat onder alle inheemse mense van die Amerikas voorkom. [55]

Sommige navorsers meen dat dit kan aandui dat die Na-Dené-migrasie uit die Russiese Verre Ooste plaasgevind het na die aanvanklike Paleo-Indiese kolonisasie, maar voor die moderne Inuit, Inupiat en Yupik uitbreidings. [11] [10] [56]

Benewens die mense in Na-Dené, word haplogroep C-P39 (C2b1a1a) ook gevind onder ander inheemse Amerikaners, soos die Algonquian- en Siouan-sprekende bevolkings. [57] [58] C-M217 word gevind onder die Wayuu-mense van Colombia en Venezuela. [57] [58]

Data wysig

Listed here are notable indigenous peoples of the Americas by human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroups based on relevant studies. The samples are taken from individuals identified with the ethnic and linguistic designations in the first two columns, the fourth column (n) is the sample size studied, and the other columns give the percentage of the particular haplogroup.

The common occurrence of the mtDNA Haplogroups A, B, C, and D among eastern Asian and Amerindian populations has long been recognized, along with the presence of Haplogroup X. [63] As a whole, the greatest frequency of the four Amerindian associated haplogroups occurs in the Altai-Baikal region of southern Siberia. [64] Some subclades of C and D closer to the Amerindian subclades occur among Mongolian, Amur, Japanese, Korean, and Ainu populations. [63] [65]

When studying human mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplogroups, the results indicated that Indigenous Amerindian haplogroups, including haplogroup X, are part of a single founding East Asian population. It also indicates that the distribution of mtDNA haplogroups and the levels of sequence divergence among linguistically similar groups were the result of multiple preceding migrations from Bering Straits populations. [66] [67] All indigenous Amerindian mtDNA can be traced back to five haplogroups, A, B, C, D and X. [68] [69] More specifically, indigenous Amerindian mtDNA belongs to sub-haplogroups A2, B2, C1b, C1c, C1d, D1, and X2a (with minor groups C4c, D2a, and D4h3a). [7] [67] This suggests that 95% of Indigenous Amerindian mtDNA is descended from a minimal genetic founding female population, comprising sub-haplogroups A2, B2, C1b, C1c, C1d, and D1. [68] The remaining 5% is composed of the X2a, D2a, C4c, and D4h3a sub-haplogroups. [67] [68]

X is one of the five mtDNA haplogroups found in Indigenous Amerindian peoples. Unlike the four main American mtDNA haplogroups (A, B, C and D), X is not at all strongly associated with east Asia. [21] Haplogroup X genetic sequences diverged about 20,000 to 30,000 years ago to give two sub-groups, X1 and X2. X2's subclade X2a occurs only at a frequency of about 3% for the total current indigenous population of the Americas. [21] However, X2a is a major mtDNA subclade in North America among the Algonquian peoples, it comprises up to 25% of mtDNA types. [1] [70] It is also present in lower percentages to the west and south of this area — among the Sioux (15%), the Nuu-chah-nulth (11%–13%), the Navajo (7%), and the Yakama (5%). [71] Haplogroup X is more strongly present in the Near East, the Caucasus, and Mediterranean Europe. [71] The predominant theory for sub-haplogroup X2a's appearance in North America is migration along with A, B, C, and D mtDNA groups, from a source in the Altai Mountains of central Asia. [72] [73] [74] [75] Haplotype X6 was present in the Tarahumara 1.8% (1/53) and Huichol 20% (3/15) [76]

Sequencing of the mitochondrial genome from Paleo-Eskimo remains (3,500 years old) are distinct from modern Amerindians, falling within sub-haplogroup D2a1, a group observed among today's Aleutian Islanders, the Aleut and Siberian Yupik populations. [77] This suggests that the colonizers of the far north, and subsequently Greenland, originated from later coastal populations. [77] Then a genetic exchange in the northern extremes introduced by the Thule people (proto-Inuit) approximately 800–1,000 years ago began. [36] [78] These final Pre-Columbian migrants introduced haplogroups A2a and A2b to the existing Paleo-Eskimo populations of Canada and Greenland, culminating in the modern Inuit. [36] [78]

A 2013 study in Natuur reported that DNA found in the 24,000-year-old remains of a young boy from the archaeological Mal'ta-Buret' culture suggest that up to one-third of indigenous Americans' ancestry can be traced back to western Eurasians, who may have "had a more north-easterly distribution 24,000 years ago than commonly thought" [51] "We estimate that 14 to 38 percent of Amerindian ancestry may originate through gene flow from this ancient population," the authors wrote. Professor Kelly Graf said,

"Our findings are significant at two levels. First, it shows that Upper Paleolithic Siberians came from a cosmopolitan population of early modern humans that spread out of Africa to Europe and Central and South Asia. Second, Paleoindian skeletons like Buhl Woman with phenotypic traits atypical of modern-day indigenous Americans can be explained as having a direct historical connection to Upper Paleolithic Siberia." [79]

A route through Beringia is seen as more likely than the Solutrean hypothesis. [80] An abstract in a 2012 issue of the "American Journal of Physical Anthropology" states that "The similarities in ages and geographical distributions for C4c and the previously analyzed X2a lineage provide support to the scenario of a dual origin for Paleo-Indians. Taking into account that C4c is deeply rooted in the Asian portion of the mtDNA phylogeny and is indubitably of Asian origin, the finding that C4c and X2a are characterized by parallel genetic histories definitively dismisses the controversial hypothesis of an Atlantic glacial entry route into North America." [81]

Another study, also focused on the mtDNA (that which is inherited through only the maternal line), [7] revealed that the indigenous people of the Americas have their maternal ancestry traced back to a few founding lineages from East Asia, which would have arrived via the Bering strait. According to this study, it is probable that the ancestors of the Native Americans would have remained for a time in the region of the Bering Strait, after which there would have been a rapid movement of settling of the Americas, taking the founding lineages to South America.

According to a 2016 study, focused on mtDNA lineages, "a small population entered the Americas via a coastal route around 16.0 ka, following previous isolation in eastern Beringia for

2.4 to 9 thousand years after separation from eastern Siberian populations. Following a rapid movement throughout the Americas, limited gene flow in South America resulted in a marked phylogeographic structure of populations, which persisted through time. All of the ancient mitochondrial lineages detected in this study were absent from modern data sets, suggesting a high extinction rate. To investigate this further, we applied a novel principal components multiple logistic regression test to Bayesian serial coalescent simulations. The analysis supported a scenario in which European colonization caused a substantial loss of pre-Columbian lineages". [82]

There is genetic evidence for an early wave of migration to the Americas. It is uncertain whether this "Paleoamerican" (also "Paleoamerind", not to be confused with the term Paleo-Indian used of the early phase of Amerinds proper) migration took place in the early Holocene, thus only shortly predating the main Amerind peopling of the Americas, or whether it may have reached the Americas substantially earlier, before the Last Glacial Maximum. [83] Genetic evidence for "Paleoamerinds" consists of the presence of apparent admixture of archaic Sundadont lineages to the remote populations in the South American rain forest, and in the genetics and cranial morphology of Patagonians-Fuegians. [84] Nomatto et al. (2009) proposed migration into Beringia occurred between 40k and 30k cal years BP, with a pre-LGM migration into the Americas followed by isolation of the northern population following closure of the ice-free corridor. [85]

A 2016 genetic study of native peoples of the Amazonian region of Brazil (by Skoglund and Reich) showed evidence of admixture from a separate lineage of an otherwise unknown ancient people. This ancient group appears to be related to modern day "Australasian" peoples (i.e. Aboriginal Australians and Melanesians). This "Ghost population" was found in speakers of Tupian languages. They provisionally named this ancient group "Population Y", after Ypykuéra, "which means ‘ancestor’ in the Tupi language family". [86]

Archaeological evidence for pre-LGM human presence in the Americas was first presented in the 1970s. [87] [88] notably the "Luzia Woman" skull found in Brazil and the Monte Verde site in Chile, both discovered in 1975. [89] Other notable sites of early human inhabitation found in North America include Paisley Caves, Oregon and Bluefish Caves, Canada. [90] [91]

Genetic analyses of HLA I and HLA II genes as well as HLA-A, -B, and -DRB1 gene frequencies links the Ainu people in northern Japan and southeastern Russia to some Indigenous peoples of the Americas, especially to populations on the Pacific Northwest Coast such as Tlingit. The scientists suggest that the main ancestor of the Ainu and of some Native American groups can be traced back to Paleolithic groups in Southern Siberia. The same lineages are also found among some Central Asians. [92]


Production and technology

Traditional subsistence in native California centred on hunting, fishing, and collecting wild plant foods. Typically, men hunted and fished while women and children collected plant foods and small game. Hunting and fishing equipment such as bows and arrows, throwing sticks, fishing gear, snares, and traps were made by men women made nets, baskets, and other gathering implements as well as clothing, pots, and cooking utensils.

Food resources varied across the landscape. Shellfish, deep-sea fish, surf fish, acorns, and game were the main subsistence staples for coastal peoples. Groups living in the foothills and valleys relied on acorns, the shoots and seeds of weedy plants and tule (a type of reed), game, fish, and waterfowl. Desert-dwellers sought piñon nuts, mesquite fruit, and game (especially antelope and rabbit) and engaged in some agriculture.

Native Californians developed a variety of specialized technological devices to help them maximize the productivity of the region’s diverse environments. The Chumash of southern coastal California made seaworthy plank canoes from which they hunted large sea mammals. Peoples living on bays and lakes used tule rafts, while riverine groups had flat-bottom dugouts made by hollowing out large logs. Traditional food-preservation techniques included drying, hermetic sealing, and the leaching of those foods, notably acorns, that were high in acid content. Milling and grinding equipment was also common.


Us history chapter one

a) It didn't Native Americans were already hunting beaver and buffalo for their skins.

b) Native Americans benefited economically but were able to avoid getting caught in European conflicts and rivalries.
Correct Response
c) The French were willing to accept Native Americans into colonial society.

d) The English and French quests for beaver pelts prompted a surge in the Native American population.

b) were entirely agricultural and rural.
Incorrect Response
c) across the continent were very similar in their political and religious beliefs.

d) always lived in small family units.

b) Spain and France.
Correct Response
c) Portugal and Spain.

d) Portugal and the Netherlands.

a) sought to imitate the Spanish.
Correct Response
b) concentrated more on economics than religious conversion.

c) tried to drive Native Americans into the Puritan colony.

d) avoided warfare at all costs.

a) Native Americans believed that land should never be claimed.
Correct Response
b) Families might use a specific plot of land for a season.

c) Individuals could own land outright and pass it on to family members.

d) A family could claim land forever, but an individual could not.

a) was at least 100 million.

b) lived exclusively in villages of no more than 1,000 individuals.

c) declined catastrophically due to exposure to the Black Plague.

a) enjoyed far greater rights than they did in Spain and Spanish America.

b) who outlived their husbands were entitled to one-half of the husband's property.
Correct Response
c) surrendered their legal identities when they married.

d) were expected to submit to their husbands in public, but not in private.

a) The colony's elected assembly enjoyed greater rights of self-government than any English colonial legislative body.

b) The Dutch commitment to liberty prompted the colony to ban slavery there.

c) Religious intolerance led the Dutch to ban all Jewish peoples from the colony.

b) Their colony was the first in the Americas to have a bill of rights.

c) They allowed freedom of speech.

d) They issued the Edict of New Netherland, declaring the Puritans to be heathens because they refused to allow religious freedom.

a) was a great success, bringing thousands of new settlers to the colony.
Correct Response
b) meant that shareholders received large estates for transporting tenants for agricultural labor.

c) was like a system of medieval lords.

d) led to one democratic manor led by Kiliaen van Rensselaer.

a) Men and women engaged in premarital sex.

b) It was acceptable for a woman to seek a divorce.
Correct Response
c) Tribal leaders were almost always women.

d) Women owned dwellings and tools.

a) the agreement that documented what Christopher Columbus would give to Spanish leaders in return for their sponsorship of his travel to the New World.
Correct Response
b) the transatlantic flow of plants, animals, and germs that began after Christopher Columbus reached the New World.

c) John Cabot's exploration of the New World, which brought more of the goods that Columbus had found back to the Old World.

d) responsible for introducing corn, tomatoes, and potatoes to the Americas.

b) It was located in the dense jungle of the Yucatan Peninsula.

c) Its defeat was due to its leader surrendering too soon to Hernán Cortés, who was in fact outnumbered and outgunned.

d) Technologically and architecturally, it was so far behind European capitals that its defeat was certain.

b) Mestizos enjoyed much political freedom and held most of the high government positions.

c) Spaniards outnumbered the Indian inhabitants after fifty years of settlement.


Religions of Native Americans

By John Perna | 18 Januarie 2021

The faith and religious beliefs of Native Americans played a significant function in their daily life. Every tribe and individual had its very own distinct customs, beliefs, and rituals, but all of them thought the entire planet had been full of spirits.

Guardian Geeste

The Native Americans from the Pacific Northwest believed that living things were viewed by guardian spirits. This comprised creatures, trees, individuals, and some inanimate things such as the wind, storms, along even water. Young boys would need to find their personal guardian soul before they might turn into guys. Every boy could venture off to commune with the character trying to find a signal from his protector spirit. Once discovered, this soul would exude a unique characteristic or electricity about the boy and he’d go back to the tribe as a person.

The Excellent Spirit

The excellent Spirit was an ultimate being that observed over everything involving the other souls of the planet. You will find different variations of the fantastic Spirit. The Sioux and the Algonquian Nations had the Idea of a Fantastic Spirit. The Blackfoot people considered the”Old Man” who made everything and educated the Blackfoot the best way to acquire spiritual wisdom.

Medicine Women and Men

The religious leaders of the Native American Indians were the medicine people of the tribe or village. These women and men frequently used herbs that will help cure sick men and women. They also called to the souls to assist the tribe requesting help in areas like recovery, fantastic weather, and also aid in conflict. On occasion the drug man or lady was a respected elder who had been famous to be wise and that others went for guidance.

Three Worlds

A few of those Indian tribes in the Southeastern United States considered at the”three worlds” such as the Upper World, the Lower World, and This Planet. Even the Upper World was believed pure and perfect. The Lower World was frightful and disorderly. Between the two was World where the guy lived. The spirits could travel between different worlds and the guy was accountable for keeping a balance between the 3 worlds.

Rites of Passage

Among the main instances in almost virtually any Native American’s lifestyle was that their coming of age. This is when they moved from being thought of as a kid to become an adult. Various tribes had different means of observing this instant. In certain cultures, the boy or woman needed to undergo an ordeal to prove that they were worthy. Young guys who handed the ritual could frequently be given a brand new name to signify their status.

Vision Quests

To be able to secure nearer to those spirits, a few guys went to vision quests. They’d go off to the wilderness. Generally, they’d quickly (not eat) and occasionally they’d take medication or inflict wounds in their bodies. In the long run, they expected to acquire a vision in the spirits which would direct them to help them create a significant life choice.

Kachinas

Indian tribes from the Southwest known as their souls’ kachinas. They created especially decorated kachina dolls that represented the various spirits. In addition, they produced kachina masks that aided them to channel the spirits.


Why was there never any Native American empire in what is today mainland USA while just a little south the Aztecs ruled a sprawling empire?

I have always wondered why there never were any empires or at least kingdoms in what is today mainland USA while just a few hundred miles south in Mexico lay one of the vastest empires the world has seen. And this is not even counting the Incas. Why did the Navajo or the Cherokee, Inuit or the Mohawk never build an empire?

There actually was, but, despite a hundred years of study by archaeologists and historians, we still know relatively little about it.

The people I'm referring to are the people who lived in the Southwestern United States. This group is sometimes called the Anasazi or Ancestral Pueblo, and the region they lived in covered the Four Corners region (map). This is the area where Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona meet. This group, who I'll call the Anasazi for simplicity although there are some historiographical issues with the name, also seem to have extended into southern Nevada (the Lost City) and there has been evidence at least for their cultural influence in the Salt Lake region of Utah. Also, keep in mind that these borders are not well-defined -- they are largely based on pottery styles and there seems to have been a lot of intergroup trading within the region.

You can see the remains of their "empire" most spectacularly at Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde, but there are hundreds if not thousands of other places throughout the Four Corners region and down into northern Mexico that were associated with this group. One of the smaller sites I particularly recommend is Canyon of the Ancients National Monument on the Colorado/Utah border. Mesa Verde [editorial note -- my absolute favourite National Park in the US! Go visit it today!!] includes this famous place, called Cliff Palace. Chaco Canyon, meanwhile, is enormous and looks like this from above.

Stephen Lekson (a professor of anthropology at University of Colorado Boulder) has theorised in his book The Chaco Meridian (1999) that Chaco Canyon formed the ceremonial centre of an extended empire that lasted until sometime in the 14th century CE. Although his work is somewhat controversial and speculative, his core idea of Chaco as a central place seems reasonable and has gained acceptance among academics in this field. When this empire began is also unknown, because it grew out of the culture of the Pueblo (the Spanish name for these people -- generally used among academics) people who had lived in the area since before 100 BCE.

The Pueblo culture is characterised by dwellings built of adobe (mud hardened by the sun into bricks -- you can visit an example of this style of living in Taos, New Mexico, which is still inhabited today) and incorporated into the local landscape -- high altitude desert, with mesas (high plateaus) and washes. Think of the classic southwestern US desert seen in westerns. This desert extended from the foot of various mountain ranges, most notably the massive volcanic uplift of the San Juans in southern Colorado/northern New Mexico. Water came from the mountains, as did timber. People farmed, growing corn, squash, and beans, which are hardy enough to survive an environment with climatic extremes and very little water. They also spent time in kivas, round, sunken rooms that often had benches along the walls and pits in the centre of the floor. Kivas are still used today for ceremonial/ritual purposes among the Pueblo, but it is unclear if that was their purpose initially. However, by around 1250 CE, they had definitely become ceremonial/ritual and places like Chaco Canyon feature Great Kivas, which are very large.

Around the 12th century CE, pottery styles began to change, which Patricia Crown and others associate with cultural change and the beginning of the "Anasazi civilisation". At some point prior to that, the adobe dwellings had become more elaborate. Places like Cliff Palace in Mesa Verde had been built, which were large structures capable of housing many people. The timbers that I mentioned earlier -- which came from the mountains -- have been used to date these dwellings. The dry desert air has preserved them and if you visit any of these areas you can still see the original timbers, intact and above your head. You can even touch a few of them! Using dendrochronology (and in fact, the science of dendrochronology was born in this area!), Cliff Palace has been dated to ca. 1190-1260 CE. Pueblo Bonito, the enormous structure built into the cliff wall at Chaco Canyon, has been dated to being from ca. 850-1150 CE. These structures may have been used as homes, but they may have been reserved only for high ranking officials -- we just don't know. Evidence from human remains is tricky to interpret, because many remains were cremated. It seems that only religious leaders or other high ranking members of society had their remains interred. Many of these have become mummified naturally by the environment, although some form of preservation of the remains may have taken place at the time of burial. However, as a result of the few human remains found by archaeologists at these sites, it is difficult to know how many people lived at each of these places. Some people, including Lekson, have speculated that Pueblo Bonito had very few people who actually lived there instead, it acted as a storehouse for food and luxury items (more on that in a minute), and a place where only a few high ranking religious or other officials would have lived.

Ok, I had to split this into two. see below.

It's tough to describe a whole civilisation in a reddit post, so I'll touch on just three more points: two about why I consider this civilisation an "empire" and one about what may have happened to them.

The first reason why I would describe the Anasazi as an empire is because of their control over the wider area. The reason why I mentioned Lekson and the Chaco Meridian is because he offers a great description of the road system that radiated out from Chaco. Through the use of field survey, satellite imagery, and excavation, we know that Chaco had a series of roads -- some more than 10 m wide! -- that radiated out from the area around Pueblo Bonito. These would have had a smooth, level surface. Sometimes staircases were cut into the sandstone to take people on the road over mesas. These roads then moved out into the desert and would have connected disparate communities back to the central place, Chaco. Some possible uses for the roads included economic pathways (to move the enormous timbers used for construction down from the mountains, for example), as pilgrimage routes, as trade routes, for marching military forces along. the list goes on, but they were definitely used to mark out a central place (Chaco) and connect it to outlying communities. The construction of the roads and the transport of goods like enormous timbers down it would also have been magnificent displays of power for anyone who witnessed them.

The second reason is because of the Anasazi relationship with the civilisations to the south, in Mexico and Latin America. There seems to have been a strong connection some people have even theorised that the ruling elites in the Anasazi civilisation fled from Mexico for whatever reason (maybe, like the Norse settlers of Iceland and Greenland, for committing crimes), and caused the cultural change that we see at the start of the Anasazi period. Although that is just speculation, there is extensive archaeological evidence for trade between the Anasazi and the empires of Mexico and Latin America. Two luxury items -- tropical birds (parrots and macaws) and cacao (chocolate) -- were traded north from Mexico into Anasazi lands. It is unknown what the Anasazi might have traded back to Mexico in exchange, or how this trading system worked, however. Somerville et al. (2010) suggest that there may have been northern Mexican staging areas for the trade of these items their work shows the remains of macaws, who seem to have been bred in northern Mexico, 500km north of their natural range. Meanwhile, Washburn et al. (2011) argue for an extensive "drug trade" in cacao from Mesoamerica into the Anasazi regions. In addition to these traded items, Randy McGuire sees a religious connection between the belief system of Anasazi and the Mesoamericans. All of these long distance connections suggest to me that the Anasazi were an "empire", with trade links far afield to other "empires" of the day.

We know that sometime a bit before 1300 CE, Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and many of the other famous Anasazi sites were deserted and left empty in the desert. Brian Billman and others have (very controversially) used evidence from human remains and preserved faecal matter to postulate that inhabitants at these places starved and resorted to cannibalism in their final days. The general consensus right now is that a series of long-lasting droughts prevented the people dwelling in the high plateaus from being able to grow food or move water through their irrigation channels. Dendrochronological evidence indicates that the southwest is prone to periods of prolonged drought, sometimes called "megadroughts", which can last for decades at a time. Even today, water rights remain an enormous issue in the southwest, and the allocation of water rights during the (relatively) moisture-rich 1920s combined with the construction of cities in the middle of the desert like Phoenix and Las Vegas relying upon water from the Rockies means that we can see a clear analogue today to the problems that would have faced anyone choosing to expand their civilisation in this arid region. Anyway, a lack of moisture seems to have destroyed the Anasazi "empire" and the culture once again became small bands of people living in smaller, less permanent dwellings.

The ruins at Mesa Verde, Chaco Canyon, and other places were known by the Pueblo people but often avoided the Spaniards knew of some of them then early 20th century explorers like Richard Wetherill and family documented more of them, and we are still finding them today. In the Canyon of the Ancients in 2005, a group of archaeologists including myself went down a wash and found an enormous pottery midden containing sherds characteristic of the period. We were there to record a series of petroglyphs that included something for calculating the position of the sun at noon on the summer solstice. Here is the picture I took, you can see the sun going through near the centre of the spiral -- the reason why it is off is because I took that picture at OUR noon, which was adjusted for daylight savings. My point is that, this is a fascinating area with lots of new discoveries taking place! For example, I went to Chaco Canyon for a camping trip in May of 2011 and just happened to run into Patricia Crown giving a lecture to the crowd about her new work on the cacao trade from Mexico.

Sources: Before I did my PhD on the North Atlantic (which I did as a result of choosing a scientific method to study), I studied the Southwestern US. My field school was at an Ancestral Pueblo site with the excellent and extremely knowledgeable Mona Charles at Fort Lewis College, Durango, CO, and I have done field work in Mesa Verde and Canyon of the Ancients. I've also visited Chaco Canyon a number of times and taken the guided tours (such an amazing place to visit!)! If youɽ like to read more, check out the books and links I mentioned above, or go visit any of those places!


What are the religious / spiritual beliefs of Native Americans?

Inheemse Amerikaners is a generic reference to people groups who lived in North and South America prior to the arrival of European explorers. Given the size of those two continents and their diverse landscapes, it is no surprise that Native American cultures varied drastically from group to group and from tribe to tribe. This means “Native American Religion” is an extremely broad category. The religious beliefs of modern Americans&mdashand Asians, and Europeans, and Africans&mdashspan a wide range, and so do the spiritual traditions of Native Americans.

That being said, most Native American religions share a set of common features. Most important among these are a lack of distinction between the spiritual world and the natural world, the existence of some type of creative deity, and a general lack of objective, fixed principles. Few Native American religious ideas were considered absolutely unchangeable, and even fewer were codified in writing. As a result, historic spiritual beliefs in the Americas were diverse and extremely fluid.

One common feature of many Native American spiritual traditions is a uniform view of reality. Christianity often speaks of a physical world and a spiritual world. At least for the sake of comparison, such a distinction does not exist in most Native American religions. The “world” of spirits and deities is the same “world” as that of nature and man, and whatever differences or separations may exist are frequently bridged.

Most Native American religions include some kind of divine Creator. In many cases, this is a single deity, often referred to as the Great Spirit. In some cases, this is a group of gods or a collection of spirits. And, in others, this spirit is more of an impersonal force than an actual, personal being. Because of this broad variation, individual Native American religions can be categorized as theistic, deistic, henotheistic, polytheistic, or even pantheistic.

Native American religions are also typically devoid of objective rules or laws. This is not to suggest there are no moral principles in these spiritual traditions. However, such concepts are typically treated as guidelines or foundations and not as hard-and-fast regulations. Traditions vary from group to group, but Native American spirituality is typically much less rigid than systems such as Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam.

Written texts comparable to works such as the Bible, the Qur'an, or the Vedas do not exist in Native American religious history. Instead, oral tradition and personal teaching are strongly emphasized in Native American religious practice. The motivation for this is extremely practical. From the Native American perspective, the only way to learn traditions is to participate in them there is little use for written texts.

The combination of fluid tenets, a lack of written scriptures, and wide variety of belief caused European explorers to badly misunderstand the spiritual traditions of Native Americans. The assumption of most colonizers was that native religion was shallow, simple, and unimportant. While Native Americans are, by comparison, far more comfortable combining their spiritual beliefs with those of other religions, their traditions are as deeply held and are considered just as meaningful as those of any other culture.

A particularly interesting feature of Native American religion is the recurrence of myths regarding a catastrophic, worldwide flood. As is the case with spiritual traditions around the world, several versions of a flood story can be found in Native American myths:

• Hopi folk tales speak of Tawa, the Sun Spirit, destroying the existing world (called the Third World) in a flood a few good people survived by riding in reed boats (compare Genesis 6:6&ndash8).
• An Ottawa story claims that a man angered the sea god, triggering a flood that covered the world. This man was saved by a goddess riding in a boat with pairs of surviving animals (compare Genesis 6:20).
• According to the Chippewa, a particularly powerful man killed the evil Great Serpent, triggering a mountain-covering flood (compare Genesis 7:19). People survived by boarding rafts and floating until the waters had subsided (compare Genesis 8:1).
• Cheyenne legends say a medicine man stretched a white buffalo skin between mountains to protect the people from a wrathful divine rain. When the primary god saw this and stopped the rain, the skin shrank and became the rainbow (compare Genesis 9:12&ndash13).
• Salish myths feature many people having nightmares of a massive flood (compare Genesis 6:13). Those who believed the dreams banded together to build a huge raft made of canoes (compare Genesis 6:14), and only they survived the flood. Those who ignored the dreams drowned (compare Genesis 7:22&ndash23). Afterwards, these survivors began to quarrel and scattered across the earth into different tribes (compare Genesis 11:1&ndash9).

These stories each echo aspects of the Bible’s description of the flood that destroyed the world of Noah’s time. The preservation of the basic story&mdashseen in cultures across the world&mdashis a point often brought up in discussions of mankind’s origins. If every human culture shares a common story, with several common details, there are good reasons to think that story has some basis in actual history.

Attempting to define Native American religion in any detail is futile. As with any other large collection of people groups, there are literally thousands of individual approaches to spirituality in Native American cultures. The concepts of fluidity, a unified spiritual and natural world, and a lack of written scriptures are shared across many of these traditions, but each is a completely independent worldview in and of itself.


Handel

Although our histories traditionally portray the North American colonies as havens for freedom-seeking religious dissenters like the Pilgrims, Puritans, and Quakers, it is important to remember that the European interest in the Americas was always commercial. South American gold and silver enriched the treasuries of Spain and its trade partners. Caribbean sugar plantations were established by Portuguese and Dutch entrepreneurs and later taken over by Englishmen. American commodities such as tobacco, beaver pelts, and cod enriched merchants and investors on both sides of the Atlantic. Boosters of American colonization and investment insisted that the new continents were filled with natural wealth just waiting to be exploited. And if a resource was scarce in Europe, that scarcity added to its value in America. American wildlife like beavers and even American trees commanded high prices in crowded European nations that had long ago cut down most of their own forests and killed most of their game. The British Navy marked all the tall pines of northern New England with &ldquoThe King&rsquos Arrow&rdquo because there were no longer trees available in Europe tall enough to make masts. It was illegal to cut the King&rsquos trees, and according to New England folklore there are still some old trees deep in the Maine woods with the royal arrow dimly visible on their trunks.

Figure (PageIndex<12>): Although often left out of US History, Caribbean islands like Barbados (farthest right) were key to the survival of the North American colonies.​ ​ (CC BY-SA Kmusser).

American colonists&rsquo hopes and expectations for the new world included not only a place to build a new society, but a place where they could get rich. Even religious idealists such as the Pilgrims looked forward to opportunities for social mobility that had not been available to them in England. And right from the start, European colonies in North America were commercial. In addition to fishing, growing tobacco, and trapping beaver, the North American colonies benefited from the booming sugar economy of the Caribbean. Islands such as Barbados that had once been self-sufficient had begun by the mid-1600s to specialize in the highly profitable commodity at the expense of all other crops, so sugar planters looked to their neighbor colonies for food supplies. John Winthrop, the Puritan leader who helped establish Boston and who was Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony four times before 1650, sent his second son Henry to help establish Barbados in 1626. When Oliver Cromwell&rsquos Civil War halted the flow of commercial shipping between England and the ten-year-old Bay Colony in 1640, trade with the West Indies saved Boston&rsquos economy. Governor Winthrop&rsquos younger son Samuel joined the growing community of New England merchants in the Caribbean sugar islands in 1647.

In the South, cultivation of the Virginia colony&rsquos main cash crop tobacco for the European market required large amounts of inexpensive labor. At first, many of the workers used by tobacco planters were poor English men and women who had come to the colonies (sometimes willingly, sometimes not) as indentured servants. Later, when the supply of British workers was cut off by the English Civil War and then by the American Revolution, Southern planters began to rely on enslaved Africans, who were already being used on West Indies sugar plantations, to do the work. It is important to remember that the use of slave labor on tobacco, sugar, and later on cotton plantations was not an inevitable requirement of the commodity being grown, but an economic decision planters made based on their desire to produce large quantities at low costs for commercial markets. Although ultimately the argument over slavery in the United States became largely a clash of cultures between a paternalistic Southern aristocracy and a Northern commercial class committed to capitalism and wage labor, at their heart the decisions planters made to use slave labor were based not on environmental factors, but on profit-maximizing economic choices.

Figure (PageIndex<13>): Slaves processing tobacco in Virginia, 1670.​ (Public Domain).

Europeans settling in North America not only brought ideas about the environment developed in their home countries, they brought a commitment to commodity export markets that helped shape their social and political structures and their ideas about the land they found. The North American landscapes that became English colonies had been carefully managed for centuries by the Indians living on them. The disappearance of the Indians and establishment of the colonies rearranged these landscapes in the image of the old world. Traditions and practices that had sustained native populations for thousands of years were lost when disease and war destroyed Indian cultures. It&rsquos interesting to speculate whether those practices would have been abandoned anyway, because the natives&rsquo mobile lifestyle was incompatible with the commerce and growth required by the rapidly expanding English colonies, or whether colonists encountering a more active, ongoing display of Indian land management might have made different choices for the American landscape.


Kyk die video: Американцы ради бахвальства столкнули российский Миг 35 с парой F-22 и F-35 лучшими самолетами США (Julie 2022).


Kommentaar:

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